Click here to listen to part one of our airing of the grievances if you haven't yet! Today we tackle charges 13-27 against the King, as well as comparisons that have been made between George III and Donald Trump.
Our guide is once again Craig Gallagher from Colby-Sawyer College, who breaks down what exactly got the colonists so darn mad.
Make sure to listen to our episode on the modern-day effects of the declaration on the Native American community.
Transcript
c101-grievances-pt2.mp3
Nick Capodice: Oh, you put little pillows on chairs everywhere. They're like on audience members. Oh, a bathrobe. Yeah. Let's just hang that up somewhere. Should we say anything about us? Like being in an at a table instead of in our in our closets? Yeah. Yeah, we're at a table.
Hannah McCarthy: We're sitting at a table. This is a table conversation. Let's table it, everybody.
Nick Capodice: Let's table worrying about it till later. That's why maybe [00:00:30] you can hear like, you know, rain and wind and humanity. And anyways.
Hannah McCarthy: We set up pillows though.
Nick Capodice: Yeah. We have couch pillows here everywhere. You're listening to Civics 101. I'm Nick Capodice.
Hannah McCarthy: I'm Hannah McCarthy.
Nick Capodice: And today we are covering the second half of the grievances outlined in the Declaration of Independence.
Hannah McCarthy: Basically, what did King George the Third do that justified the colonies severing ties with England and becoming a new independent nation. [00:01:00]
Nick Capodice: I love talking about the grievances because they're like a 27 part post on social media.
Hannah McCarthy: King George is not the beneficent ruler he claims to be, and if you think he is, you're not paying attention thread emoji
Nick Capodice: or like one of those bad computer generated articles after a real article in a newspaper. 27 Reasons Your King is Awful. Number ten will shock you. Colonists hate him. Anyways, folks, last week we covered grievances one through 12. Give it a listen if you haven't before we jump back in. Today we [00:01:30] are covering the rest and just a little bit seeing which if any of these grievances are relevant right now. Fall of 2025. And reading them off to me and breaking them down in his true Glaswegian style is my friend and professor at Colby-sawyer College, Craig Gallagher. He's not from Glasgow, he's from Greenock, which is just outside of Glasgow. But he'll forgive me for that. Enough prittle prattle. Declaration. Grievance number 13.
Craig Gallagher: He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution [00:02:00] and unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation. So this one's kind of in the middle of the military ones. I'll just say that it's straightforwardly a rejection of Parliament's sovereignty over the colonies, saying that Parliament is a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, which is the Lee resolution. Right? We don't recognize Parliament as an institution that oversees us.
Hannah McCarthy: All right. A little swipe at Parliament there.
Nick Capodice: Yeah. We have our own legislatures here in the colony. And [00:02:30] this grievance, Hannah, ends with a colon like so many of us.
Hannah McCarthy: All right.
Nick Capodice: I'm gonna cut that joke. The next batch of grievances, 14 through 22 are a continuation from that colon. Uh, these are the laws that the king has assented to, that we did not pass in the colonies. And they all start with for as in, he's given assent to bad laws, we don't recognize laws for doing X number 14 and the first four.
Craig Gallagher: So the first one is [00:03:00] for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us. So literally this refers to the thing you referenced which is quartering people in your home. That is, it is the responsibility of subjects of the Crown to provide room and board to soldiers.
Hannah McCarthy: That one's pretty bad. We even made an amendment about it.
Nick Capodice: We did the rarely discussed Third Amendment. Uh, but yeah, the Crown could save a lot of money by having soldiers sleep in your house and eat your food.
Craig Gallagher: And for the point of view of people like the Sons of Liberty, for example, it's [00:03:30] also seen as an invasion of their privacy and an attempt by the Crown to spy on them. There's a Redcoat in my upstairs bedroom. That means I can only say so many things. So much of what we think of as the right to privacy in the Constitution comes out of this idea of the government shouldn't be able to impose someone in your home. And that goes back to this idea that Redcoats would be sleeping in your spare bedroom, because the government needed to to put them in there.
Hannah McCarthy: And it's not just an invasion of privacy. It's not necessarily safe to have a stranger who is suddenly living with [00:04:00] you. I mean, these are families with children and vulnerabilities.
Nick Capodice: Yeah, and Craig told me this was dangerous to the colonists on two fronts. One, that you could be subjecting your child to potential abuse, which happened, and two, your daughter could enter a consensual relationship with a redcoat, which also happened and would not be good politically.
Hannah McCarthy: It's a bad idea all around.
Nick Capodice: Terrible idea. Okay.
Craig Gallagher: 15 for protecting them by a mock trial [00:04:30] from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states.
Hannah McCarthy: Wait, what is that about? Mock trial?
Craig Gallagher: So Jefferson is referencing a very specific thing here, which is that British troops who commit a crime while on duty, while in uniform, are not subject to local laws.
Nick Capodice: So there's an argument in Annapolis, Maryland, between some colonists and some British Marines. The Marines killed two colonists, and instead of standing trial in the Maryland court. They were sent to London for a trial and [00:05:00] were unsurprisingly acquitted. Okay, number 16.
Craig Gallagher: For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world. This one is complicated, so let me try and do it quickly. Since the 1650s, the British colonies had been subject to something called the Navigation Acts, which in a sentence required goods produced in the British colonies to be sent to London, not to other ports. So they had to be taken to London and then resold from London.
Hannah McCarthy: So if I were in Boston and I wanted to sell, I [00:05:30] don't know, whale oil to someone outside the colonies, I couldn't sell it. I had to sell it to London, which would then sell it to someone else there.
Nick Capodice: The middlemen and the Dutch, the French, the Spanish. They were not supposed to be trading in the colonies directly, but they sure did anyways.
Hannah McCarthy: So everyone was essentially smuggling.
Nick Capodice: Every day they were smuggling. But what this meant was British soldiers could search any ship and say, hmm, looks like we got some contraband here. And [00:06:00] that truly chilled all trade with the colonies. All right, here's number 17. And it is a big one.
Craig Gallagher: For imposing taxes on us without our consent. And that one. And the simplest way to put it is the root issue at the heart of the Stamp Act, the Townshend Act. Crisis's. Right.
Hannah McCarthy: All right. We're talking the classic American Revolution line. No taxation without representation.
Nick Capodice: Yep.
Craig Gallagher: This is the idea that the without our consent [00:06:30] provision essentially means we didn't actually have a representative in the British Parliament, and the colonists are like, no, no, no, we have to have someone there to debate this. And because they don't, they reject the legitimacy of the taxes. And so they call it imposing taxes on us. And they stress the lack of consent because they just see the whole edifice of taxing them from, from London as illegitimate.
Nick Capodice: Here comes number 18. Hannah. Have I sneaked in a 1776 reference yet?
Hannah McCarthy: I don't think so, Nick. But I also think that.
Speaker4: Cue George Reed!
1776: Among [00:07:00] your charges against the King, Mr. Jefferson, you accuse him of depriving us of the benefits of trial by jury. This is untrue, sir. In Delaware, we have always had trial by jury.
Craig Gallagher: For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefit of trial by jury.
Nick Capodice: Again, gonna bring up smuggling here. Anyone caught selling to a foreign trader and not through London was considered a smuggler and a pirate.
Hannah McCarthy: Is that a facsimile of. He's a pirate you've [00:07:30] got going on here?
Nick Capodice: Sure is. Anyways, for this, you didn't get a civil trial in your home court. But a military tribunal. No peers. No friends in the room.
Hannah McCarthy: Which, if you are against smuggling, is probably good. But if you are a smuggler, like, say, John Hancock, not so great for you.
Nick Capodice: Not so great. Okay. Number 19.
Craig Gallagher: For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses. British authorities had a unilateral right to extradite [00:08:00] colonists to Britain. There was no corresponding right, so British people could not be extradited to the colonies, even if the crime was committed in the colonies. So from the point of view of the colonists, it's an it's an imbalance. And there's this idea that certain British officials, lords, people who have financial interests in the colonies but are based in London would rather have or Bristol would rather have a crime committed in, say, Charleston, adjudicated in Bristol rather than in Charleston [00:08:30] itself. Same idea. Right?
Hannah McCarthy: So much of this is about that ocean, that big 3000 mile stretch of water that separated England from the colonies and people in power got to pick which side they should be on in any given situation that would benefit them.
Nick Capodice: Yeah, the sea hates a coward, but it benefits a monarch. All right, number 20.
Craig Gallagher: For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once [00:09:00] an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies.
Hannah McCarthy: What is that about?
Nick Capodice: It's about our gentle neighbor to the north, O Canada. In 1774, the Quebec Act established that the now British province of Quebec will be run under Old French laws, meaning it does not have to have its own legislature.
Craig Gallagher: Essentially, what they think [00:09:30] is happening, or what Jefferson's perspective seems to be here, is that Quebec is a test run for imposing a kind of despotism on the rest of the colonies, because their subjects are French and Catholic. That must mean they're used to this, right? They're used to a despotic monarch and not having rights, which looks very funny in hindsight, 30 years later, after the French Revolution. Evolution. But the idea, right? The Catholic French subjects weren't used to liberty. They didn't know what liberty was. Only Englishmen know what liberty is. And so the Crown is attempting to impose [00:10:00] despotism on them, because they don't know any better. But we know better, and we see it as a trial run for what they're going to try to do to us.
Nick Capodice: And another reason Jefferson might not have liked England expanding its borders is because that left less and less land that the framers could speculate on and make a ton of money.
Hannah McCarthy: Sounds about right.
Nick Capodice: All right, 21.
Craig Gallagher: For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments. This is a reference specifically [00:10:30] to the act in 1774, called the Massachusetts Government Act, passed out of the British Parliament, which abolished the Charter of Massachusetts. Uh, as a as a colony.
Hannah McCarthy: Real quick, can you define charter for me?
Nick Capodice: Yeah. So the settlement of the original colonies was usually done according to charters.
Craig Gallagher: That is to say, the Crown grants you the Massachusetts Bay company X amount of land, X amount of rights for X amount of time. And that is your [00:11:00] sort of authority in this region. The British government wasn't going out and sending soldiers and settling a colony and saying this is directly ruled British territory. They were giving a charter, usually to a company, the Virginia Company, the Massachusetts Bay company. In general, the idea of a charter is it is a grant from the Crown giving you authority over this region. And within that you have certain rights that are protected.
Nick Capodice: But the king put a new charter on Massachusetts that gave the royal governor a lot more power. [00:11:30] So England thought that mass had too much power. Mass folk thought that they needed more power.
Hannah McCarthy: There's a lot more to us than dunks and Ben Affleck.
Nick Capodice: All right. 22.
Craig Gallagher: For suspending our own legislatures and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. This is a very specific rebuke to something called the Declaratory Act of 1766. The only thing you need to know about the Declaratory Act is it's passed in the immediate aftermath of the repeal of the Stamp Act. [00:12:00]
Nick Capodice: The Stamp Act 1765, Anglin says all paper used in the colonies, including playing cards, has to have the official London stamp on.
Hannah McCarthy: It, meaning England got the tax money.
Nick Capodice: Yeah, and it did not go well.
Craig Gallagher: So the Stamp Act crisis happens, the colonists go crazy, they get really upset. There's a lot of internal pressure in Britain to recognize the right of the colonists. And eventually the Stamp Act is repealed by Parliament, which is kind of a humiliation [00:12:30] for the government and a humiliation for Parliament to have to do this.
Nick Capodice: So in response, England passed the Declaratory Act, which basically says Parliament still has the right to legislate in all cases in the colonies whenever it wants.
Hannah McCarthy: Sounds pretty petty.
Nick Capodice: Petty and peevish, Hannah. All right, number 23, end in sight. And now. Now it's time for the big guns.
Craig Gallagher: Even if everything [00:13:00] listed previously had not been here, you could argue that everything after this is justified. Justification for independence on its own right. So, to give you an example. He has abdicated government here by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us. Um, so this is a a kind of a reference to the war, essentially. Right. The government of Britain is at war with its colonies. Now, if you ask King George the Third, and if you ask Parliament, they [00:13:30] would say, we sent the military in to quell a rebellion. So by 1776, we've been at war for almost over a year at this point. Um, and I think this is often forgotten about the Second Continental Congress, their meeting in the middle of a war right there, a war parliament.
1776: Oh, God. God, why can't you acknowledge what already exists? It has been more than a year since Concord and Lexington. Damn it, man, we're at war right now. You may be at war. You, Boston and John Adams.
Nick Capodice: We are at war. The British [00:14:00] have occupied New York City at this point. And Jefferson is saying the king has abdicated. He has given up his responsibility over us because he has declared war on us.
Craig Gallagher: So as far as we're concerned, we don't need to listen to him anymore.
Nick Capodice: And number 24 is an extension of this.
Craig Gallagher: So he has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns and destroyed the lives of our of our people. Using military force against the colonists is an abdication of his responsibility [00:14:30] to protect them.
Hannah McCarthy: Again, this is Jefferson saying you're supposed to protect us, not war with us. When you use military force against us, you are no longer our protector.
Nick Capodice: And the beat of the war drum continues in grievance number 25. Can you feel everyone getting real mad? Hannah.
Hannah McCarthy: Oh, I can feel it.
Craig Gallagher: He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny already begun with [00:15:00] circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy of the head of a civilized nation.
Hannah McCarthy: Cruelty and perfidy.
Nick Capodice: Paralleled in the most barbarous ages.
Craig Gallagher: So this is Jefferson really getting lathered up. Two things here, obviously. Again, a underlining of the violence. Right. The Kings resort to violence is illegitimate. But I do want to highlight the mercenaries really quickly. The British government did hire multiple companies of German [00:15:30] mercenaries. This would have been in the news around this time, but the idea that there would be the use of mercenaries against American subjects is an odious one to the Americans, because this is a saying that the king is willing to engage with foreigners to crush his own people. Um, and that seems to them to be an abdication of, um, his obligation to protect them. Like if you hired Russian tanks to come oppress Concord, New Hampshire, right? That would be the level we're talking about here. The notion that you would go out and get a foreign [00:16:00] military and use it against your own people is what they're so upset about here.
Nick Capodice: Penultimate grievance 26.
Craig Gallagher: He has constrained our fellow citizens, taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.
Nick Capodice: Hannah, do you know what a press gang is?
Hannah McCarthy: Is it when I hang out with my friends from journalism school?
Nick Capodice: So a press gang, the subject of many. [00:16:30] Ashanti. I'm not going to get into the King Shilling or Barrett's privateers here. Uh, this is the British practice of impressment, where the Royal Navy took people accused of smuggling or other crimes just up and took them off the streets or in a bar to fight on their ships. A press gang could surround you at a tavern, grab you, and just throw you in a carriage.
Craig Gallagher: And this would happen to Americans quite frequently. Um, there was a period where Scots and Irish soldiers were overwhelmingly [00:17:00] pressed. But by the time we get to the 18th century, it tends to be American soldiers, in part because Scots and Irish have representation in the British Parliament.
Hannah McCarthy: Are we there? Is this the last one?
Nick Capodice: We are. Hannah. But this one is tricky, and I think it's best to start with what is not in the final grievance. In Jefferson's first draft, but not in the final declaration of Independence. This grievance started with he has waged cruel war.
1776: He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, and the persons [00:17:30] of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his name.
1776: Mr. Thompson, I thank you, sir. Mr. Jefferson. I can't quite make out what it is you're talking about.
Craig Gallagher: He called the slave trade a cruel war against human nature in his first draft, and he referred to the idea of enslaving [00:18:00] Africans and taking them to the Americas as something the king imposed upon America, as something that the crown of Great Britain had forced Americans to participate in, and that it was not a natural thing. It was an abuse of power imposed upon them by Britain.
Hannah McCarthy: I imagine that most of our listeners are aware that this is hypocritical. Thomas Jefferson enslaved nearly 600 people. He, quote unquote, resolved to release them, but he never did.
Nick Capodice: Never did. And Craig [00:18:30] said that Jefferson was making a distinction here between slavery and the slave trade, practicing the first and condemning the latter, which. Yes, Hannah. Extremely hypocritical.
Craig Gallagher: And the idea that he would then also own slaves while saying these things. I mean, he says all men are created equal earlier in the document, right? It's possible to both say Thomas Jefferson hated being a slave owner, hated slavery, but also did it and did it in ways that were bloody and invasive and worth condemnation. [00:19:00] So it's very hard. He's a complicated figure.
Hannah McCarthy: So what's the part that made it in?
Craig Gallagher: So the part that made it in is he has excited domestic insurrections amongst us and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. So, to start with the slavery point, domestic insurrections. As Jefferson's word for slave revolts, he means enslaved people rising up against their bondage [00:19:30] and attacking their slave owners. Which I think it's fair to say from a 21st century point of view. We all understand that, right? But from his point of view, anything that you would do to excite. That is almost as bad as participating in something like the slave trade, because you're using violence, right? The problem is the violence. The problem is the viciousness of that approach.
Nick Capodice: The question of slavery was not part of the declaration.
Hannah McCarthy: But it sure was in the Constitution.
Nick Capodice: Yep. Five [00:20:00] times.
Craig Gallagher: The other side of this is the merciless Indian savages, which I really I don't know if this will be audio only, but I really hope people hear my quotes there, my scare quotes.
Nick Capodice: So I very much encourage anyone out there to listen to our episode on this very specific part. It is called the Declaration Revisited Native Americans just to understand how damaging the reverberations of that one sentence are, not just in its racism, but that it was cited in Supreme Court opinions as recently as 2005. [00:20:30]
Craig Gallagher: And for the record, this is not a legal document. So it's crazy that that would be the case. Right? But that's me. That's me on this side. Unquestionably racist. Uh, description of the native peoples here. Um, specifically, what I would say here is that one of the priorities after the end of the Seven Years War with France is that Britain does not want to be dragged into an Indian war. They do not want a war with native peoples. They do not want to fight a conflict against Native Americans in North America. And that kind of language [00:21:00] is infused here in this idea that the King is inciting and sort of prioritizing these savages over us. Right. And the idea that he's incited them, he's endeavored to bring them onto our frontiers is kind of implying that. Right? He's saying that the frontier lines are theirs, whereas the colonial American position would be that land is ours. We want that land.
Nick Capodice: And there we are, 27 injuries and usurpations. So [00:21:30] do you want to talk a little about, you know, modern day parallels.
Hannah McCarthy: All right, let's do it.
Nick Capodice: All right. We're gonna take a quick break. Santa, do you remember? It was July of 2017, NPR tweeted line by line. The Declaration of Independence.
Hannah McCarthy: Oh, actually, yes, I do remember this. And I also recall that there were people who did not recognize it as the Declaration of Independence, and [00:22:00] they accused NPR of tweeting anti-Trump propaganda.
Archival: Well, some President Trump supporters, unaware that NPR was literally tweeting out the Declaration of Independence, accused NPR of inciting violence. One guy tweeted, so NPR is calling for revolution. Interesting way to condone violence while trying to sound patriotic. Your implications are clear.
Nick Capodice: I bring that story up, Hannah, because since then, myriad articles have been written detailing similarities between [00:22:30] George the Third and Donald Trump's actions. So, Hannah, you've heard them all. You've heard all 27. Where do you want to start?
Hannah McCarthy: Uh, can we do the. He has refused his assent to laws, etc.. I know in this instance assent means the equivalent of signing a bill, and Donald Trump has not vetoed anything in the current administration. His party controls both chambers of Congress, so he hasn't needed to. But the president has refused to recognize laws [00:23:00] passed by Congress.
Nick Capodice: Yeah, there is the illegal firing of federal employees.
Archival: President Trump announced he is firing Fed Governor Lisa Cook over allegations of mortgage fraud. This is the first time a president has fired a fed governor in the central bank's 111 year history. Cook has not been charged with any crime. This has huge implications in politics, law.
Nick Capodice: And there is the fact that he has tried to end birthright citizenship via executive order. Now birthright citizenship is in the Constitution. The Constitution [00:23:30] is the law of the land. So I can see that as a refusal to assent to laws.
Hannah McCarthy: And the fact that Congress has appropriated a bunch of funds for various executive agencies and departments, and a lot of that has been frozen, etc., by the executive. Right. Do you have a grievance you're particularly interested in looking at?
Nick Capodice: Yeah, I was thinking maybe number ten.
Craig Gallagher: He has erected a multitude of new offices and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat [00:24:00] out their substance.
Nick Capodice: Do you did a whole episode on Doge, the Department of Government Efficiency. This was an office the president created by executive order. But the Constitution grants Congress the power to create new federal offices, not the executive. This office Doge has raided federal agencies. They have been given access to a ton of financial data involving Social Security, tax filings, government contracts, you name it.
Hannah McCarthy: I feel we should also point out here that Congress alone has the power to eliminate agencies. [00:24:30] But Trump signed an executive order in March to do just that eliminate seven federal agencies to the full extent of the law.
Archival: Trump's order also gives the Office of Management and Budget sweeping new authority over agency budgets, allowing the white House to review and potentially restrict spending decisions.
Nick Capodice: Another one I got to bring up is number seven. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners.
Hannah McCarthy: That one almost does not need expounding [00:25:00] on.
Archival: The man we spoke with is a U.S. citizen. He provided us with documentation of his legal status. He says this experience has shaken his faith in the immigration enforcement efforts of President Donald Trump, for whom he voted.
Nick Capodice: I mean, I will expound a little on this. The president has given authority to Ice agents to arrest people at their workplace, schools and even immigration courts. And we can tie this to grievance number 18, denying trial by jury as many [00:25:30] of these immigrants are deported with no trial whatsoever. All right. You want to take another one?
Hannah McCarthy: Sure. Uh, what were the numbers for the grievances involving standing armies and independent military?
Nick Capodice: That was 11 and 12.
Hannah McCarthy: We did mention it in the last episode, but the president has deployed the National Guard to Washington, D.C. and California and has recently signed an executive order to send them to Memphis.
Archival: President Trump late yesterday establishing a task force in Memphis to crack down on crime, similar to actions recently taken in the nation's capital. [00:26:00]
Archival: The effort will include the National Guard as well as the FBI, ATF, DEA, Ice, Homeland Security Investigations, and the U.S. marshals.
Hannah McCarthy: You want to do one more?
Nick Capodice: Sure. And I do want to say this list of comparisons is not exhaustive. I read one article that said there were parallels to 21 of the 27 grievances. But I do want to bring up number 16 for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world. Tariffs are [00:26:30] taxes. Congress levies taxes and not the president. And we are paying this tax on things we import from other countries. And I guess you could tie this to the next one as well to imposing taxes without consent.
Hannah McCarthy: But of course, Nick, we do still have a democracy. We do not have a king. It is a different situation.
Nick Capodice: Yeah, we are a democratic republic. We do not [00:27:00] need a revolution to solve problems when we have elections.
Hannah McCarthy: You know, I keep thinking of the terror in the room when the First Continental Congress was adopting Lee's resolution to declare independence. These men could have been found guilty of treason. That is, in fact, what they were committing. They could have been hanged. But that's not us, right? We're allowed to air our grievances.
Nick Capodice: We are. And honestly, it's [00:27:30] how we started in the first place. Thus ends this little mini series on grievances. I hope you wear yours loudly and often. This episode was made by me Nick Capodice with Hannah McCarthy. Thank you Hannah. Marina Henke is our producer and Rebecca LaVoie, our executive producer and grievance receiver. Music in this episode from blue Dot sessions, HoliznaCCO and Epidemic Sound and the amazing Chris Zabriskie. [00:28:00] Civics 101 is a production of NHPR New Hampshire Public Radio. Saltpeter pins.
Hannah McCarthy: Oh.
Nick Capodice: Oh, the fridge, the fridge. Just. We can unplug the fridge. I'll just remember to plug it back in. Oh, I know where the plug is.
Hannah McCarthy: It's behind.
Nick Capodice: It shouldn't be like this. I'll [00:28:30] get that later.
Hannah McCarthy: Fix it in post.
Nick Capodice: We'll fix that in post.