Taking The Fifth: When What You Say Could Be Used Against You

What does "taking the Fifth" mean? If you've been suspected of a crime, how and when do you use your rights under the Fifth Amendment?

The Fifth Amendment's self-incrimination clause says that no person "shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself." Basically, it means that the government, or law enforcement, can't force you to talk to implicate yourself in a crime. However, what that looks like in practice... is a little more messy.  When do you have a right to remain silent? When do you become a suspect? What does compulsion look like? Can your silence be used against you? 

We talk about how the Supreme Court has interpreted these questions, and how to exercise Fifth Amendment right when you are interacting with law enforcement, with Tracey Maclin, a professor of Constitutional law and Constitutional criminal procedure at the University of Florida's Levin School of Law, and Jorge Camacho, a clinical lecturer on law and policing at Yale University, where he is the policy director of the Yale Justice Collaboratory



Transcript:

Clip: The department was forced to drop the charges because you forgot to read him his Miranda rights. What possible reason is there for not doing the only thing you have to do when arresting someone?

Nick Capodice: Hannah. Name me one thing you can count on seeing. And just about every movie or TV show that has anything whatsoever to do with crime.

Hannah McCarthy: Bad station coffee. Or, like, good cop, bad cop. Right. You have the right to remain silent. Miranda rights, right? Yes.

Clip: I did read him as I did a version of that. Do you even know the Miranda rights? Yes. Let's hear them then.

Nick Capodice: This Miranda warning is the way that most people understand their right under what is called the self-incrimination clause of the Fifth Amendment. The actual language of the clause is this: A person shall not, quote, "be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself."

Hannah McCarthy: I feel like I plead the Fifth is a part of this, right? I'm actually really excited to talk about this because I think I know on a basic level that if law enforcement arrests someone, they tell the person that that person has the right to remain silent and the right to an attorney. But I don't really know why or how that's supposed to work or in what situations that applies, what the consequences might be. There seem to be a lot of what ifs here, is what I'm saying.

Nick Capodice: I think you might know where I'm going here, Hannah. While we as a public may think we understand what it means to not incriminate yourself, the legal interpretation is a lot more complicated. And in order to understand what that means, we can't just talk about the Miranda warning because that is only a tiny piece of how the self-incrimination clause works. So that is why today we are talking about the Fifth Amendment, but we're not talking about the whole Fifth Amendment. Hannah, we're going to talk about this one clause, the most famous one in the fifth, the self-incrimination clause. It is less than a sentence, but textbooks worth of history.

Jorge Camacho: It becomes complicated when you realize that virtually every word in that sentence is subject to interpretation.

Nick Capodice: I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice: And today on Civics 101, we're going to talk about the self-incrimination clause of the Fifth Amendment. When it applies, when it doesn't, and why The answers to these two seemingly simple questions are not so simple after all.

Clip: So do you read Miranda as saying that there cannot be questioning unless the judge says, You know, I don't really want to answer that question. What if he said, Do you want to remain silent? So what if a person says, I'm not waiving, but I'm not saying that I so let's say he's answering the questions. All of a sudden he gets a particular question and he says, you know, I think there are several questions around what if there was no interrogation?

Clip: It's important to have a clear rule here because.

Clip: Invocation does effectively sound like a.

Clip: Clear rule.

Nick Capodice: Before we jump into this one clause, Hannah, we are a show about the basics of how our democracy works. So we'd be remiss if we didn't quickly go through what the whole Fifth Amendment says. So, Hannah, would you do the honors and read the amendment for me?

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, sure. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces or in the militia, when an actual service in time of war or public danger. Nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb, nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law, nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. That's a lot of clauses.

Nick Capodice: Sure is. It's a lot. And to put it as simply as possible, you have a right to a trial by jury. With the exception of military cases, you can't be punished for the same crime twice. With some exceptions, you can't be forced to implicate yourself in a crime. You must be treated fairly under the law. And the government can't just take your property for its own use without paying you for it.

Hannah McCarthy: You're already saying things like, with some exceptions in most circumstances, which tells me that there is a lot of potential for interpretation throughout this whole amendment.

Nick Capodice: And I'm trying to avoid a five hour episode for everyone's well being.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay fair. When it comes to how the Constitution is put into practice, there is a narrow interpretation and then there are broader interpretations, like, for example, a narrow interpretation of the rule that a paper is due at midnight would be that you can only submit that paper at midnight, no earlier, no later at midnight, as opposed to how most of us would interpret it, which is just get the paper done any time before midnight. Can we start with what the Supreme Court and lawmakers might see as the most narrow interpretation of this idea that a person cannot be, quote, compelled in a criminal case to be a witness against himself?

Jorge Camacho: In a very narrow sense. That clause just basically means you can't be called to the witness stand at a trial where you're the criminal defendant and be required to testify in that trial.

Nick Capodice: That's Jorge Camacho, a clinical lecturer at Yale Law School and the Yale Justice Collaboratory.

Hannah McCarthy: So if you've been charged with a crime, you can't be forced to sit on the stand and talk to the prosecutors. You can do that, but you can't be forced to.

Nick Capodice: Yeah. And when we were talking about crime, we specifically mean when a law has been broken, we're not talking about civil cases or a dispute between two people or groups. The two sides here are the law. That's the government and you and also the Fifth Amendment only applies to testimonial evidence.

Tracey Maclin: Well, what does that mean? That means that it has to relate to or concern communications coming from the person's mind.

Nick Capodice: This is Tracey Maclin. He's a professor at the Levin School of Law at the University of Florida, where he teaches constitutional law and constitutional criminal procedure.

Hannah McCarthy: What does he mean when he says communications coming from your mind?

Nick Capodice: It might be easier to understand that by talking about what doesn't count as testimonial evidence, meaning physical evidence.

Tracey Maclin: Physical evidence is not testimonial within the meaning of the Fifth Amendment because it doesn't relate to the workings of your mind. It's just about your body. So forcing blood from you or forcing you to stand in a lineup to forcing you to say, put the money in the bag, compelled handwriting or voice exemplars are not are not testimonial within the meaning of the Fifth Amendment. And then finally forcing you to put on a piece of clothing.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. But that narrow interpretation where the self-incrimination clause only applies to testifying on the stand doesn't account for everything that happens before a trial. Like when law enforcement interrogates you after arresting you. And yet we still have the Miranda warning, which says that, quote, You have the right to remain silent. So I'm guessing that this narrow interpretation is pretty obsolete.

Tracey Maclin: But the problem with that interpretation of the Fifth Amendment, it makes no sense because when the Fifth Amendment was placed in the Constitution in 1791, criminal defendants couldn't testify because they were considered to be biased, which they obviously were. So I think the language itself is set out in a broad manner. Now, you could use the language to say, well, only when. Only when a person is actually put on trial and forced to take the witness stand, do you trigger the Fifth Amendment. That's not how we interpret it, and that's not how the court has interpreted the clause for a very, very long time.

Nick Capodice: And that broader interpretation of when the Fifth Amendment is, as Tracey says, triggered, is basically the rest of this episode. But before that, I want to quickly talk about why the framers wanted this right enshrined in the Bill of Rights in the first place. Like so many other things, it all goes back to how the framers resisted recreating the kind of tyrannical government they saw as problematic in England.

Tracey Maclin: In the 16th and 17th century. The self-incrimination clause, what we often refer to as the Fifth Amendment, was designed to protect religious and political dissenters who were called before judges and sometimes legislatures and questioned about their religious beliefs or their political beliefs.

Jorge Camacho: The framers of the Constitution, where this protection is written, were concerned with abuses, abuses of power by the state against individual citizens and individual residents of a country. They were concerned with kind of the the history of abuse that they had seen, especially in England over the course of many centuries, where the crown, the government in England would often use its power in an ultimately unfair way and oftentimes abusive way against individuals, including, for example, forcing those people to offer incriminating evidence against themselves in trials where they're the defendant and they're the ones subject to punishment.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. So this clause is vague. And we've agreed that over the course of history, it is not limited to testifying in a trial. So when does this right to not incriminate yourself actually apply? Does it start the moment law enforcement says you're under arrest?

Nick Capodice: Yeah, This is where the clause starts to get messy. Meaning the way the Supreme Court has interpreted the clause is messy. So let's start with that question of when this Fifth Amendment right kicks in is triggered or in legalese, attaches. Looking at the language of the self-incrimination clause, we mean the point at which you could argue the government is, "compelling you."

Jorge Camacho: I think the clearest answer we have so far, which is still not very clear, is that the right attaches whenever your interactions with the state or with law enforcement specifically become adversarial. What that usually means is that once it's clear to the state that they view you as an adversary, like being a criminal suspect in a case, then your right against self-incrimination certainly attaches, then.

Nick Capodice: This is the point where you start being seen as a suspect. Law enforcement thinks you may have committed a crime. And the reason we have the Miranda warning in the first place is because up until 1966, law enforcement didn't necessarily need to notify you of your right not to speak with them or your right to have legal counsel.

Jorge Camacho: Yeah. So the case that really brought the Fifth Amendment and the self-incrimination clause to the modern era was Miranda versus Arizona. This is a 1966 Supreme Court case, which, again, if you've watched any police procedural in the last 50 years, you've seen you've heard some version of the following. You have the right to remain silent. Anything you say can and will be used against you in a court of law. You have a right to an attorney. If you can't afford one, one will be provided to you free of cost. This is a set of warnings that the Supreme Court has mandated all police officers to say to provide to anyone that they are about to interrogate in a custodial setting.

Hannah McCarthy: A custodial setting, meaning the police have taken you into custody.

Nick Capodice: Right. In 1963, police suspected that a man named Ernesto Miranda had committed a kidnaping and a rape. So they arrested him and interrogated him for 2 hours and eventually got a written confession. The police officers admitted they hadn't told Miranda about his right to have an attorney present during interrogation, but the confession was still used in his trial and he was found guilty. Miranda then appealed, saying that law enforcement had never informed him of his rights to remain silent or his right to an attorney, meaning his confession wasn't voluntary.

Clip: But the question is, is not so much whether he should have a lawyer in the station house with him sitting beside him during interrogation or whether he could telephone, but whether the state is constitutionally obliged to advise him that he has a right to consult an attorney before being questioned.

Nick Capodice: The Supreme Court decided that Miranda was correct. A prosecutor cannot use testimony by a defendant unless law enforcement had informed that person. Of their right to remain silent and their right to an attorney. And they took it a step further by saying that the prosecutor had to prove that the person had voluntarily waived those rights.

Tracey Maclin: Prior to Miranda, police officers would arrest people sometimes on their rights, but sometimes not tell them their rights. And they would say things to them that would suggest that the person would be much better off speaking than not speaking. This is an instance in which the Supreme Court said that where you're under arrest and where you're interrogated, the government has to inform you of your right to remain silent and the knowledge that if you do speak, it can be used against you. So that that was that was a situation where the Supreme Court, if you will, draw a line in the sand and said this is compulsion. And it was a very I don't want to say radical, but it was it changed the approach that police officers and detectives specifically had to take when they interrogate people.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. That makes sense, because that's a pretty clear instance of when your interaction with law enforcement has become adversarial. But once you're in custody, does that mean you just don't have to answer questions like, what if law enforcement is just talking to you casually but not doing something that sounds or looks like they're interrogating you?

Nick Capodice: I think you know what I'm going to say about this, Hannah?

Hannah McCarthy: That it's up for interpretation.

Nick Capodice: Yeah. There have been a number of Supreme Court cases where the main question essentially is what counts as an interrogation and what doesn't.

Jorge Camacho: So, for example, if I ask you a question in a custodial setting and you are, it's clearly that this is a custodial situation. Yes, that almost certainly constitutes interrogation. You're not free to leave. You are my suspect in this case. I'm asking you a question about that case. That's interrogation. But let's say, for example, I don't ask you a question. I just make a comment. I make an observation. And you, after hearing that comment, respond, does that constitute interrogation? I didn't ask you anything. I just said something and you responded to it. The court has struggled with that question. Again, some justices say, well, yes, that can and should be interrogation, because if it's a statement intended to elicit a response from the suspect, then how could it not be interrogation? In other scenarios, however, it may not be considered interrogation.

Hannah McCarthy: What does this look like in real life?

Nick Capodice: One example I'm going to give you is the Supreme Court case, Rhode Island v Innis 1980.

Jorge Camacho: In this case, a man named Thomas Innis was arrested after being accused of robbery by a taxi driver. Mr. Innis was informed of his Miranda rights by the police officers. He exercised his right to remain silent and requested a lawyer. So it was clear that no interrogation could follow before he at least saw his lawyer.

Hannah McCarthy: So if someone says, I want to speak with an attorney, then law enforcement is not supposed to question them.

Nick Capodice: Right. And technically, the officers did not question Innis.

Jorge Camacho: As Mr. Innis was being transported. Officers who were in the car with him started talking to one another with Mr. Innis in the back seat. Even though Mr. Innis had been arrested for this robbery, they couldn't find the gun that he had used in the robbery. Presumably he had discarded it in order to evade having the gun on him. When he was found, one of the officers made a comment within earshot of Innis in the back seat that he wanted to get the gun out of the way because the kids in the area of the school could find it. Upon hearing this, Innis then led the officers to an area near some rocks and pointed them in the direction of the gun where it was recovered and used in evidence against him at his trial. And it's later contested the the admissibility of that gun at trial.

Hannah McCarthy: So what did the Supreme Court decide?

Jorge Camacho: The majority of the court held that this wasn't interrogation, that the officers speaking to themselves, even if they knew that Innis could hear them, and even with the kind of obvious understanding that anything that they might say to one another could elicit a response from him that was not interrogation.

Nick Capodice: Essentially, the Supreme Court said that even though the officers had arrested Innis, informed him of his rights and he had requested an attorney, they could still speak about the crime in his presence without violating his Fifth Amendment right. Requesting an attorney is a way to clearly invoke your Fifth Amendment right to remain. Remain silent and to signal your plan to do so. But that doesn't mean police officers have to remain silent or stop talking to you.

Jorge Camacho: Yeah. So they're saying that the conversation between the two officers about how it'd be a terrible shame if a little girl found this gun and shot herself, that that statement was not interrogation, because in part it wasn't directed at Innis and because it's not necessarily the case that that statement, even if heard by Innis, would prompt any kind of response from him or that he would know to respond to it. It's certainly a play on Innis conscience, an attempted play at his conscience in order to get him to direct them to where the gun is. But it's not as clear as simply asking him, Innis, where is the gun? Can you point us to it? It's less than that. And so it's therefore not interrogation in this case.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. What I'm hearing is that if you have been read your rights, basically anything you say could be held against you, even in a situation where you've invoked your right to remain silent and requested an attorney.

Nick Capodice: Yeah. And it's worth noting here that this case, like Miranda, was pretty controversial, even though the justices agreed on the fact that the Fifth Amendment protects you from being compelled to speak under interrogation. This decision still caused controversy among justices about the definition of interrogation itself.

Jorge Camacho: This decision elicited a very sharp dissent by Thurgood Marshall, who called out the court for kind of the inexplicable nature of their of their holding. And he said, I am substantially in agreement with the court's definition of an interrogation, but I'm utterly at a loss to understand how this standard, as applied to the facts before us, can rationally lead to the conclusion that there was no interrogation. So he's saying we're all on the same page about what constitutes an interrogation. We agree on what that formula or definition is. So why is it that we're coming to two complete different conclusions about whether or not this was an interrogation? In Justice Marshall's view, he had the understanding that any statement you make to someone in custody that you can naturally assume is going to elicit a response from them is interrogation. It's a form of questioning. But here we have the Supreme Court, a majority of the Supreme Court saying, no, it's not an interrogation.

Nick Capodice: My take on what Marshall is acknowledging here is the authority that law enforcement has when they've taken a person into custody. The fact that there is an inherent power dynamic there that must, in his view, be considered when deciding if a person feels compelled to speak whether or not the police are asking questions about a crime. And actually, back to when Miranda was decided, there was criticism from legal scholars that Miranda itself didn't more clearly define what law enforcement could and could not do when they've placed someone in custody beyond informing them of their rights.

Tracey Maclin: The Supreme Court could have said that fact was urged by the ACLU to say police should not be allowed to interrogate anybody who's under arrest until they've had a chance to speak with their lawyer. Because if you really want to protect the Fifth Amendment right, you need to see your lawyer who will tell you in no uncertain terms or a lawyer, he or she will tell you under no circumstances do you talk to the police. No circumstances. But Miranda didn't go that far. They were urged to go that far. And frankly, I think they should have gone that far. But they didn't go that far because they didn't want to choke off interrogation entirely. They wanted to put the ball in the court of the arrestee. And I think it's fair to say that Chief Justice Warren and the majority thought that once these warnings are given to most people, they will invoke their rights and they won't talk. Well, it turns out that the Supreme Court, if this was part of their calculus, miscalculated. 80% of people who are arrested and given Miranda warnings, waived their rights and talk to the police.

Hannah McCarthy: 80% seriously.

Nick Capodice: That is according to a study from 1991. And there are a number of reasons why people might talk to police even after being read their rights, for example, they might not fully understand their rights. There are barriers due to any number of reasons, everything from their lack of familiarity with the law to their age, language skills, level of cognition. And the Supreme Court has given law enforcement a lot of freedom to do everything in their power to get you to waive those rights, including deception and appealing to your emotions. And we're going to get to all of that right after this break.

Hannah McCarthy: But just before the break, we have a fairly new development here at Civics 101. We have a quiz paired with every weekly episode that you can find at civics101quiz.com. It's basically a great way to see what you learn by listening to our Civics 101 episode or a really good excuse to listen again. Again, you can find that at civics101quiz.com.

Hannah McCarthy: We're back. This is Civics 101. And we're talking about the self incrimination clause of the Fifth Amendment. And we were just discussing the fact that, according to Tracey Macklin, 80% of people waive their Fifth Amendment rights to not self incriminate, meaning they decide to speak with police while they are under suspicion of a crime without an attorney present. Nick, what has the Supreme Court said about what law enforcement can or cannot do to get you to waive those rights?

Nick Capodice: Well, one interpretation comes from a case called Berghuis v Thompkins. In 2010.

Tracey Maclin: Thompkins was arrested for murder. He was given his Miranda warnings. He was also told that he could invoke his rights at any time. And he was then asked to decide, as some suspects are, to sign a form acknowledging that he had been given his rights. He refused to sign the form. Okay. But he didn't invoke. He never said, I don't want to speak with you or I want to remain silent. I want to see my word. He just sat there silent, and he sat there silently for 2 hours and 45 minutes. At one point, he may have commented that the chair was uncomfortable and he was asked if he wanted a peppermint or something along those lines, and he said no.

Hannah McCarthy: So he didn't sign the form saying that he had been read his rights, but he also did not talk to police.

Nick Capodice: Right. And since we're talking about laws here, we're going to be really specific for the record. There is some disagreement on exactly how long he was interrogated for. Case law says 3 hours. You'll hear Tracey refer to it as 2 hours, 45 minutes. And in the oral arguments in front of the Supreme Court, justices say two and a quarter hours.

Tracey Maclin: Finally, after 2 hours and 45 minutes, he was asked by one of the detectives whether he believed in God, which Thompkins replied that he did. And then he was asked. And at this point, as I started welling up a little bit in tears, he asked, Do you pray to God? And he said, Yes, I do. And then the detective asked him, Do you pray to God to forgive you for shooting down that boy? And Thompkins answered that he did, and he looked away. And then there was no more no more comment statements from Thompkins. The state took those statements. Do you believe in God? Do you pray to God? And then, of course, the final statement, which was the one that was terminated, do you pray to God for forgiveness for shooting down that boy? That was incriminating. And they used that at his trial and he was convicted of murder. And Thompkins said, well, I had asserted my right to remain silent by being silent for 2 hours and 45 minutes. So you shouldn't be allowed to use that statement. And additionally, Thompkins argued that they never got a waiver. They never got a waiver from me after giving me my Miranda rights. Now, the Supreme Court had two responses. First, they said, no, you didn't remain silent.

Clip: Do we have any case that says that two and a quarter hours is too long? No. And in fact, there can't be a waiver after two and a quarter hours.

Clip: No, there's no case.

Clip: And therefore, there's no clearly established Supreme Court law that two and a quarter hours is too long.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. But what about the waiver? He never signed the waiver that says, yes, I was read my rights.

Tracey Maclin: And then with respect to the question about the waiver, now, again, police detectives had been trained that in order to get a statement from a guy, you've got to give them a word of warnings and also get a waiver. And that is what the Supreme Court had said back in 1966 when they decided Miranda, and that was how much of the lower court approached this issue. Well, the Supreme Court said that the statement, his response, yes, would ask, do you pray to God for forgiveness for shooting down that boy, that act as both an incriminating statement and the waiver in and of itself? And so by answering that question in the affirmative, not only do you incriminate yourself, but you also waived your rights. Now, Thompkins was a 5-4 decision, some would say. I would say that it turns the Fifth Amendment generally and Miranda Doctrine specifically on its head, because Thompkins remained silent for 2 hours and 45 minutes. But the upshot of Thompkins, as far as the Supreme Court is concerned, if you want to remain silent, you better speak, which is a little counterintuitive, particularly to people who don't understand the law and aren't able to do the mental gymnastics that lawyers and law professors do.

Hannah McCarthy: So what I'm getting from this is that at any point when you are in custody, you could waive your rights even implicitly. And that law enforcement really wants you to do that and can sit there with you or talk to you or ask you questions to try to get you to waive them by opening up.

Tracey Maclin: And certainly the police officers are not going to act in your best interests, police officers generally, and certainly detectives, because there's mostly detectives who are doing these interrogations. Their job is to get a statement from you. They may pretend and act as if, well, we're there for your best interest. No, they're not. They are there to get a statement from you or to get you to incriminate yourself, whether you're guilty or innocent.

Nick Capodice: And law enforcement has been given a lot of latitude on how they might go about getting statements from people in custody.

Hannah McCarthy: So is law enforcement allowed to lie to you?

Nick Capodice: Again, this has been interpreted differently in different cases. But essentially, yes. Yes, they are.

Jorge Camacho: There's a lot of criticism of police interrogation techniques and, you know, things like the good cop bad cop routine and whether or not those tactics are coercive to the point of overcoming someone's will and making their statement involuntary under the Fifth Amendment. One of the tactics that Supreme Court has recognized as being permissible, as what they allow to happen, is lying. Police officers are allowed to lie. They're allowed to within within certain bounds, but very few bounds. They're allowed to play on your sympathies. They're allowed to kind of use your silence against you in a psychologically manipulative way. So, for example, let's say I'm a police interrogator and I have a suspect in front of me who has not answered a single question that I'm asking despite my attempts to get them to respond. And I say, hey, listen, I understand that you may not want to talk to me right now, but put yourself in my position right now. Let's say you're the interrogator and you know that I know something about this crime, but I'm just not telling you. What does that make me look like to you? That makes me look suspicious, right? So you understand if I see you as suspicious. Right. But let's say you didn't have anything to do with this, then there's no harm in you. Just answering my questions, and then person responds. And once you get that rapport going, once you get that correspondence going, it can be very, very hard to resist the interrogation tactics of a trained police interrogator. And the Supreme Court has said, well, they didn't do anything to overcome your will. Yes, they may have convinced you to start talking. And yes, while you started talking, you may have made an incriminating statement. But that's not against the Constitution. The Constitution doesn't prohibit that. That can make it really, really, really difficult for you as the person being subjected to interrogation. You can make it difficult for you to know whether or not what the police is doing is proper or improper, whether or not your rights are being violated or respected. And again, for courts, it's oftentimes no clearer for them either.

Nick Capodice: Not to mention the fact that a lot of people are not necessarily legal experts. And aside from reading you your Miranda rights. Law enforcement isn't required to clarify what is and what is not within the bounds of those rights. Furthermore, requesting to speak to an attorney isn't as simple and straightforward as it might seem.

Tracey Maclin: Well,  you have a right to consult with a lawyer after you've been under arrest. But if you ask for a lawyer. Most police departments are not going to give you a lawyer because they don't have counsel standing by, sitting in the back room waiting to advise people. So if you if you're arrested, you're given your Miranda warnings, you ask for a lawyer, they're going to shut it down. And you're going to eventually get to be in front of a judge and the judge is going to appoint you a lawyer if you're indigent.

Nick Capodice: And if you can afford a lawyer, at least in the eyes of the court, you still need to find one and pay for their services.

Hannah McCarthy: To that point on TV and in movies, we see it all the time when someone is arrested and they say, I want to speak to an attorney. And law enforcement might say something like, Why do you need a lawyer if you're innocent? There's this idea that by not speaking to law enforcement, by asking for a lawyer, it makes it look like you're guilty. Can your choice to remain silent or your request for a lawyer be used against you in a court?

Nick Capodice: Well, I got a case just about this. Hannah. Griffin v, California, 1965. The Supreme Court addressed the question of whether the fact that you invoked your Fifth Amendment rights after being arrested can be used against you in trial.

Tracey Maclin: Griffin was a case in which Mr. Griffin was tried for murder. He was the last person to have seen the victim, and Griffin didn't testify. And so the prosecution or the prosecutor said to the jury, well, we don't know what happened to the victim, but we do know that the last person to see the victim alive was the defendant, Mr. Griffin. But Mr. Griffin won't take the stand and tell us what he knows about the victim and what may or may not have happened. And so you should draw an adverse inference. In other words, you should infer some degree of guilt by the fact that Griffin refused to tell us what he knows. Supreme Court said that's compulsion. That's compulsion within the meaning of the Fifth Amendment because it's kind of damned if he does, damned if he doesn't. Because if Griffin were to take the stand, he would be forced to answer questions on the cross-examination, which probably would have incriminated. But if he chooses not to take the stand, if he chooses to rely on the right that the text of the Fifth Amendment gives him, he still being incriminated is still going to be used against him. In this case, the incriminating evidence is the prosecution asking the jury to draw an adverse inference, in other words, to infer his guilt. That's substantive evidence of guilt. So it's damned if he do, damned if he doesn't. Supreme Court said in Griffin that that was compulsion within the meaning of the Fifth Amendment.

Nick Capodice: However, this doesn't necessarily apply if you haven't yet been taken into custody. For example, the police asked to speak with you about a crime as a witness or to gather more information and you volunteer to talk with them. This much more recent interpretation is found in Salinas, v, Texas, from 2013, where law enforcement suspected that a man named Salinas had committed a murder, but they didn't have enough evidence to arrest him. So they asked him to just come down to the station to have a chat. And in that instance, there wasn't a clear compulsion because he came voluntarily. And by the way, Tracey says, you don't have to do this and it's wise not to do so.

Tracey Maclin: Foolishly, Salinas went down to the police station. He went there voluntarily. He wasn't it wasn't under arrest. He wasn't being detained. He wasn't told he must come down to the police station. But he went there voluntarily and they peppered him with a few questions that weren't related to the murder. And then one of the detectives said to them, well, if we take that gun that your father gave us and we run a ballistics test on it, will it show that this was the gun, this was the weapon that was used to kill the victims? At that point, Salinas shut up. He looked down and kind of shuffled his seat, but he refused to answer the question. And the police let him go. He was eventually tried for murder. And at the first trial, the jury hung. At the second trial, the prosecution did something that they didn't do at the first trial. And what they did was they put the officer on the stand and they asked him about Salinas' reaction to the question with respect to the ballistics test. And the officer said, well, he wouldn't answer that question. He remained silent. And then the prosecutor, she argued to the jury during her summation that an innocent person would have answered that question. And an innocent person would have said, Well, of course not that the ballistic test is not going to come back and say that this was a rifle. I didn't do it. Well, this time Salinas was convicted and he appealed his case to the Supreme Court of the United States. And the question was, can a prosecutor use a person's silence as substantive evidence of guilt? It's kind of similar to the question we discussed earlier with Griffin when we we talked about whether or not a prosecutor should be able to tell a jury that a person's refusal to testify is incriminating. The Supreme Court decided, well, we're not going to decide that question because we think Salinas never invoked his right to remain silent. Simply remaining silent is not the same thing as invoking the Fifth Amendment.

Clip: You're giving this Miranda not Miranda custody. Not custody. Gray area. That's what you're arguing. You want a gray area opinion to be written? No, I don't want it.

Tracey Maclin: And the Supreme Court upheld the conviction that said Salinas had never invoked his right. So, no, his Fifth Amendment rights weren't violated when the prosecutor did what she did. And the detective testified as to how I described it.

Hannah McCarthy: To clarify, because I want to be sure I completely understand. It is not really clear when your Fifth Amendment rights come into play, when you have not been arrested or charged with a crime.

Nick Capodice: Right. And Tracey says in those situations, you do not have to talk to law enforcement and you probably shouldn't because there's a really good chance you may end up incriminating yourself. And if you do decide to speak with them voluntarily and then suddenly stop, that could potentially be presented in trial later on as a presumption of guilt.

Jorge Camacho: The takeaway largely has been if you're going to assert a right, you have to do so clearly and unequivocally. The court is much more hesitant to accept the notion that you can implicitly exercise a right. But again, there are some justices who think that it's the correct view and others who think that it's incorrect and that the court should recognize the ability to implicitly exercise your constitutional rights. These are questions that courts struggle with. These are questions that police officers struggle with. These are questions that lawmakers struggle with because it's really hard to know in the moment when that line is where you've crossed into Miranda territory or where you're still kind of in pre Miranda territory. Because what the court has effectively said is that when you are examining the conduct of police officers and when you're examining, for example, the voluntariness of a statement, you can consider every circumstance. It's called the totality of the circumstances test, which means consider everything and then try to strike a balance one way or another. That tells you either, yes, this is on the up and up or no, this isn't. And the statement has to be excluded. Clearly not a scientific test, not one that even reasonable, rational, intelligent people can apply and uniformly arrive at the same conclusion for. And it's the best that we have so far, or at least the best that the Supreme Court has been able to come up with so far.

Hannah McCarthy: What about if you're asked or subpoenaed by the government to testify in an investigation that is not directly about whether or not you've committed a crime? For example, congressional investigations where government officials in this case, Congress people are questioning people but aren't able to file criminal charges themselves.

Clip: Do you plan to continue to assert your Fifth Amendment rights? Is that your plan? Is that your plan?

Clip: Advice of counsel. I respectfully refuse to answer and assert my Fifth Amendment privilege.

Jorge Camacho: Going back to the text of the Fifth Amendment right when we when we focus on the part that talks about a criminal case, that protection applies or can apply whenever the person interrogating you or questioning you has at least the potential to commence some type of criminal case against you. So that's an instance where you don't have a police officer in front of you. You have a congressperson or a congressional staffer asking you questions.

Nick Capodice: It's true that throughout history this clause has resisted a clear interpretation, in part because the clause by nature is about the dynamic between individual liberty and law and order.

Hannah McCarthy: And what's at stake here when we're talking about how civilians experience the law is freedom. The consequence of self incrimination could be incarceration and in some cases execution.

Jorge Camacho: Yeah, what I think a lot about is the tension that's inherent in the Fifth Amendment, the fact that we recognize that police interrogations are really just interrogations by the government generally are fraught with power imbalances and that we're interested in protecting against that power imbalance. We want David to be well equipped against Goliath, but at the same time, we don't want to hamstring Goliath from doing the job that Goliath has to do. So, for example, yes, we are aware that, for example, police officers can be abusive in their power, that they can beat suspects, that they can psychologically manipulate suspects. And we may not like that and we may protect people against that for good reason. At the same time, the police perform of an important function. They investigate crimes and they are tasked with finding offenders and bringing them to justice. So what's the balance that we're willing to accept between protecting someone's rights while also giving the police enough leeway to do the job that we've put on their shoulders to do? That's an issue that we've struggled with for a long time. We continue to struggle whenever the political winds change, either from being ardently pro-reform to ardently pro law enforcement. You can expect similar changes in how we interpret these cases. And you can expect the Supreme Court to shift winds as well. What that means is that we're probably no closer to finding a conclusive answer on this question now than we were 100 years ago. But that's not to say that we won't at some point find a solution.

Nick Capodice: As for where that leaves us now, Tracey offered this.

Tracey Maclin: Well, when you've come under the suspicion of law enforcement, the police do not have your best interest in mind. The only person that has your best interest in mind besides yourself is your attorney. Defendants, suspects, they are not required to help the government make its case. You have the right not to help the government. You can help the government if you wish, and that's fine. But standing on your right to remain silent, there's nothing wrong with that. And that shouldn't be seen as a bad thing. It's enshrined in the Constitution.

 

 
 

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Oaths

From the Presidential Oath of Office to the Oath of Allegiance to sworn testimony, Americans take an awful lot of oaths. Today we explore the history of oaths in the US, the linguistic tinkering that's happened to oaths of office over the last few centuries and the repercussions of breaking an oath.


Transcript

Archival: All members will please rise. The chair will now administer the oath of office. All members will raise their right hand.

Nick Capodice: All right, Hannah.

Hannah McCarthy: All right, Nick.

Nick Capodice: Raise your right hand. Do it. All right, you bumped the mic. Repeat after me.

Hannah McCarthy: Repeat after me.

Nick Capodice: No, not that part.

Hannah McCarthy: No, not that part

Nick Capodice: I, Hannah McCarthy.

Hannah McCarthy: I. Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice: Do solemnly swear.

Hannah McCarthy: Do solemnly swear.

Nick Capodice: To record this episode about oaths. [00:00:30]

Hannah McCarthy: To record this episode about oaths

Nick Capodice: I do this without reservation.

Hannah McCarthy: I do this without reservation.

Nick Capodice: And of my own free will.

Hannah McCarthy: And of my own free will.

Nick Capodice: I'm going to try and have a good time.

Hannah McCarthy: And I'm going to try and have a good time.

Nick Capodice: I was going to have you say, so help me God, but I'm going to be talking about that quite a lot today. So who else can help you for this episode?

Hannah McCarthy: I pretty much do everything Jessi Klein tells me to do.

Nick Capodice: So help me, Jessi Klein.

Hannah McCarthy: So help me, Jessi Klein.

Archival: Unmistakable snapshot of American [00:01:00] democracy. One American, a 35 word oath…

Archival: On oath, do solemnly swear or affirm. And I will discharge. So help you God. So help me God.

Nick Capodice: You're listening to Civics. One, two, one. I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice: And today we're going to do a quick episode about Oaths

Hannah McCarthy: Oaths

Nick Capodice: Oaths.

Hannah McCarthy: Oaths. This is kind of a broad category, don't you think?

Nick Capodice: You're not wrong there. And I'm going to talk about the more general history of oath, taking an oath, keeping with no references [00:01:30] to Breanne of Tarth's sword.

Hannah McCarthy: You could put it in the credits, though.

Nick Capodice: Definitely Game of Thrones jokes in the credits. But today we are talking about swearing in front of people that you're going to do something, oaths of office, and it's not just the president who takes one. We're also going to talk about the oath of allegiance, affirmation, which is very different and very important, and possibly the most uttered oath in America.

Archival: Do you solemnly swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth? Certainly. What am I going to lose?

Hannah McCarthy: I know you're going to ask me to step into the DeLorean, so [00:02:00] let's have it. How far back did we start taking oaths?

Nick Capodice: You know, there's that bit. They should have called it back to the past because that's what they actually did. But anyways, Mecum Veni Hannah, we're going to ancient Rome. Oaths to various deities were present in many religions, from Judaism to ancient Greeks. But one of the very first oaths to a governmental institution was the sacramentum in ancient Rome

Hannah McCarthy: Sacramentum, is this where we get the word sacrament?

Nick Capodice: It [00:02:30] is. These oaths were made to institutions, but also made before a god. Soldiers had a military sacramentum where they'd swear to, "faithfully execute all that the emperor commands that they shall never desert the service and that they shall not seek to avoid death for the Roman Republic." Gladiators had a much more brutal oath, which I'm not going to get into here, and everyday workaday Romans would use it during legal proceedings. Anyways. As centuries went on, kings [00:03:00] took oaths when they were coronated oaths to rule justly and fairly, and other people took oaths of fealty to those kings.

Hannah McCarthy: And you said these oaths were made before a god. Were they always religious, like God or whatever deity you worshiped was invoked and watching?

Nick Capodice: Yeah, they were watching you. And you might be able to tell where I'm going here. People who took public office in England and interestingly, anybody who went to go study at a university had to take an oath that upheld [00:03:30] the Church of England and that the reigning monarch was the supreme governor of the church. And this posed a little bit of a problem for a group of people who had no king or Supreme Church.

Hannah McCarthy: I know who those people are. It's us.

Nick Capodice: When we were gasping our first breaths as a new nation independent of the British Crown, we were casting aside the trappings of monarchy, and in addition to no more kings, the framers [00:04:00] enshrined no more national church. But we kept and still keep to this day the tradition of swearing an oath of office.

Hannah McCarthy: So we stopped swearing to a God or the head of a church. Who did we swear to?

Nick Capodice: Instead, we swear to uphold a document.

Archival: The people of the United States are governed by the rule of law, a body of law that rests on a single document, the federal constitution.

Nick Capodice: And that brings us to our first oath, the oath of office of the president. [00:04:30] There are three oaths mentioned in the Constitution, but this is the only one the framers bothered to spell out. The exact words are an Article two Section one "before he entered on the execution of his office. He shall take the following oath or affirmation. I do solemnly swear or affirm that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."

Hannah McCarthy: So help me God.

Nick Capodice: No.

Hannah McCarthy: That's not in there.

Nick Capodice: It is not. [00:05:00] And this was a rabbit hole for me, Hannah, albeit a fascinating one. I have never seen so many websites with the phrase now it has been contested and historians disagree whether, for example, historians do not agree on whether or not George Washington finished his oath with So Help Me God. The first published account to say he did was 65 years after the inauguration. There are, however, three separate accounts William Duer, Morton Quincy and [00:05:30] some anonymous writer of a newspaper op ed that say he kissed the Bible after he took the oath. Moving along. There's also an argument about whether or not Abraham Lincoln said so help me God. Some have evidence he did say it in 1865. While there's contrary evidence of a minister who wrote to Lincoln to request, he say, So help me God. And the pastor said Lincoln's reply was, "But God's name was not in the Constitution and he could not depart from the letter of that instrument."

Hannah McCarthy: All that aside, [00:06:00] presidents have said, So help me God for as far back as I can remember.

Nick Capodice: Me too. The first Ironclad published in several accounts usage of So Help Me God was Chester Arthur in 1881. And we know for certain, as in we have the audio that every president since Franklin Delano Roosevelt has so far ended with that line.

Archival: So help me God. So help me God. Help me God. So help me God. So help me God. Congratulations, Mr. President.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. Now, I have to ask you a question about [00:06:30] this distinction that is made that has always kind of confused me, that constitutional clause. Swear or affirm. What is the difference between the two?

Nick Capodice: I am so glad you asked. There are some religions, such as Quakerism, that do not endorse swearing on anything religious that you're going to tell the truth and every president may choose to affirm instead of swear. Same oath, no bible. That said, we have one and only one [00:07:00] president so far who has opted to affirm instead of swearing on a Bible.

Hannah McCarthy: Who was it?

Nick Capodice: Franklin Pierce from our very own New Hampshire opted to affirm his oath on a book of law.

Hannah McCarthy: Was he a Quaker or was he just not very religious or something?

Nick Capodice: We may never know the reason why. He wasn't a Quaker. He was Episcopalian, but he wasn't baptized until a few years before he died. He, frankly, was in a tough spot when he was inaugurated. If you recall, his son had just been killed in a horrible, tragic railroad [00:07:30] accident. But whatever his reasoning was, he didn't swear. He affirmed. Now, there have been Quaker presidents, but they have all sworn on a Bible, including Herbert Hoover and Richard Nixon.

Hannah McCarthy: Nixon was a Quaker?

Nick Capodice: Yeah, I know. Right? Did you know that?

Hannah McCarthy: Did he know that? Okay. So that's one big oath out of the way. What other oaths do we have in our system?

Nick Capodice: We've got a few and we're going to get into those [00:08:00] as well as what happens when those oaths are broken right after this quick break.

Hannah McCarthy: But first, we've got a new quiz. It's great. Every Thursday, Civics 101 has an eight question quiz on our newest episodes to test your trivia skills. You can play it at Civics101quiz.com

Nick Capodice: We also have a wordle. That's right, a wordle. We have a new one every single day. Based on that week's episode, you can play it at Civics101wordle.com

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. [00:08:30] We're back. We're talking about swearing.

Nick Capodice: The only swearing you're going to hear on our podcast, dadburnit. And next, it's not just the president who has to take an oath of office. It's members of the House and the Senate. Now, unlike the president, the words are not written in the Constitution, but they were written in the very first act of Congress in 1789.

Hannah McCarthy: The very first is and the very first thing to come across George [00:09:00] Washington's desk to be signed.

Nick Capodice: Yes. Chapter one, section one. Chapter two, by the way, started with duties and taxes on imports, Jamaican rum at $0.10 a gallon by the by. But the oath they came up with was this "I a B, that's first name last name, do solemnly swear or affirm that I will support the Constitution of the United States.

Hannah McCarthy: So help me God.

Nick Capodice: No, no. So help me God. That came later in 1862

Hannah McCarthy: 1862 So we're talking like civil [00:09:30] war years. Does this have to do with the Civil War?

Nick Capodice: It does indeed. President Lincoln and all of his supporters rewrote the oath of office for all members of Congress to include, and I'm taking chunks of it here because it's very long, "solemnly swear or affirm that I have never voluntarily borne arms against the United States, that I have voluntarily given no aid, countenance, counsel or encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto, that, I [00:10:00] have not yielded a voluntary support to any pretended government authority, power or constitution within the United States, hostile or inimical thereto."

Hannah McCarthy: So a very thinly veiled anybody who has supported in the past or is supporting now the Confederacy cannot take this oath.

Nick Capodice: Yeah, they can't take the oath, which means they cannot hold office. This was called the ironclad oath, and initially it was proposed that all voters had to take it too. But Lincoln himself vetoed that in 1864, [00:10:30] realizing that would ensure a nation where very few southerners could engage in the democratic process and that's going to stall reconstruction. But this oath resulted in a Republican anti-slavery, biracial legislature in the South. For the first time. Now, Congress began to remove a lot of that 1862 language in the Andrew Johnson administration after Lincoln was assassinated. And it was all pretty much gone by 1870. However, some vestiges remain from that rewrite, [00:11:00] specifically this part swearing to defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic. That I will bear true faith in allegiance to the same that I take this obligation freely without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion, and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I'm about to enter.

Hannah McCarthy: So help me God? Is this the time?

Nick Capodice: This is it, Hannah. So help me God.

Archival: So help you God. Congratulations. You're now members of the 114th [00:11:30] Congress.

Nick Capodice: This oath I just rattled off is called the Constitutional Oath. All new incoming members of the House of Representatives and the new third of the Senate coming in must take it at the beginning of each congressional session.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. We've got executive. We've got legislative. Is there any difference for the judicial branch?

Nick Capodice: Yeah. And I'm going to make it quick because I've gone on a bit here. Supreme Court justices have to take a double oath. First, [00:12:00] they've got to take the constitutional oath that Congress takes. And then they take a second one, which is interesting. It says, I will, "administer justice without respect to persons and do equal right to the poor and the rich. And that I will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all the duties incumbent upon me. Associate Justice, Chief Justice, whatever...

Archival: Under the Constitution.

Archival: Under the Constitution.

Archival: And laws of the United States and.

Archival: Laws of the United States.

Archival: So help me God.

Archival: So help me God.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. What [00:12:30] about people other than elected and appointed government officials? Do everyday people, American citizens, swear any oaths on a regular basis?

Nick Capodice: Well, there is something that about 50 million people say on a daily basis that sounds a heck of a lot like one.

Hannah McCarthy: is the Pledge of Allegiance an oath?

Nick Capodice: Not technically. And maybe I was cheating a bit there. I mean, the Wikipedia page calls it one. You can call it an oath to the flag and the republic, but [00:13:00] you're not swearing or affirming on anything when you take the Pledge of Allegiance.

Hannah McCarthy: By the way. Nick and I love talking about the pledge. We did a whole episode on the history of it and the flag and the Supreme Court decision surrounding them both. We will put a link to it in the show notes. Check it out.

Nick Capodice: One of my favorite facts about the pledge are that the indivisible part was added after the Civil War. And this is not unlike the ironclad oath. It's like indivisible, looking at you, Confederacy. And since we talked about religion a few times already. [00:13:30] Hannah, do you remember when under God was added to the Pledge?

Hannah McCarthy: It was fairly recent, wasn't it? I can't remember what year, but like not that long ago.

Nick Capodice: 1954. However, there is an oath of allegiance. It is required by law that anyone wishing to become a citizen of the United States take it. And it is usually performed at naturalization ceremonies, [00:14:00] sometimes not always, but sometimes followed by a screening of a patriotic music video of Lee Greenwood's God Bless the U.S.A..

Archival: How about that? Are you proud to be an American? Yes. All right.

Hannah McCarthy: What's the wording of the Oath of Allegiance? Is it pretty similar to the constitutional oath?

Nick Capodice: Yeah, a little bit. You declare an oath or solemnly affirm to defend the Constitution and the laws of the United [00:14:30] States. But then you must renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty of whom or which I have heretofore been a subject or citizen.

Hannah McCarthy: Potentate.

Nick Capodice: Potentate. Also, there is a provision at the end that when required you will bear arms on behalf of the United States, perform noncombatant services in the armed forces, and perform work of national importance under civilian direction. There is a So [00:15:00] help me God, but you are allowed to stay silent at that part, if you wish.

Hannah McCarthy: And you have got to take this oath.

Nick Capodice: You've got to take it if you want to be a U.S. citizen, unless you're under 14 years old.

Hannah McCarthy: Just out of curiosity, what if you're opposed to war? Do you have to say the part about bearing arms on behalf of the United States?

Nick Capodice: You have to say it unless you qualify for a religious modification. And it's this part not as much the denouncing of allegiance to a foreign country that has caused some legal scuffles in the past. You know, Aldous Huxley.

Hannah McCarthy: As [00:15:30] in Brave New World, Aldous Huxley.

Nick Capodice: Yeah, he had "soma" problems with the military service part. He refused to say it, and he was denied U.S. citizenship even though he lived here for 13 years.

Hannah McCarthy: Now, there's an oath, Nick, that you teased at the very beginning of this episode. Give me the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.

Archival: Hold up your right hand. Do you swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Yeah.

Hannah McCarthy: Is that my Cousin Vinny?

Nick Capodice: Very good Hannah nice catch. You know, I've talked [00:16:00] to a few law professors who say that movie, My Cousin Vinny, is the most accurate portrayal of courtroom procedures in pop culture, specifically when it comes to cross-examination of a witness. Anyways, that is called sworn testimony, and you can opt to say, instead of so help me God, under pains and penalties of perjury.

Hannah McCarthy: It's interesting. It's the first time so far that an oath includes what happens if you break it because it is against the law [00:16:30] to lie under oath in a courtroom. There will be penalties.

Nick Capodice: The oath you take in a courtroom is an acknowledgment that you understand it is a criminal act to intentionally lie on the witness stand. And if you're found guilty of doing this, this is called perjury. You can be punished with fines and prison time.

Hannah McCarthy: But how common is it that someone's actually caught and punished with fines and prison time?

Nick Capodice: Good point. It is relatively rare because it can be hard to prove. More often perjury is used as a tool. [00:17:00] It's like this implicit threat, this sword of Damocles that will ensure people tell the truth in a courtroom.

Hannah McCarthy: I think my last question about oaths is tied to this. The breaking of an oath. Like, sure, you can be sent to jail for lying in a courtroom. But what about all the other oaths that we've talked about? What happens if a president or a senator violates their oath of office?

Nick Capodice: Well, nothing really.

Hannah McCarthy: Nothing at all.

Nick Capodice: Like, I'm not going to speak [00:17:30] to the spiritual effects. That's your business, Senator. But as far as I can tell, no elected or appointed official has ever been punished in a legal sense for violating their oath of office. Because and here's the thing. Oaths are not legally binding. Pledges either. They're not a contract. You can be punished for doing things that run contrary to the oath, like committing conspiracy or [00:18:00] treason or giving false testimony. You're guilty of lying, not breaking your oath.

Hannah McCarthy: But you do on occasion hear, you know, President X has broken their oath of office by doing this, that or the other thing.

Nick Capodice: Yeah. You can be impeached or expelled for this, that or the other thing, but not for the oath violation. Do you know how many reps and senators have been expelled from Congress in the United States so far?

Hannah McCarthy: I don't.

Nick Capodice: 20 out of the 12,000 odd people who have served in Congress. And 17 [00:18:30] of those 20 expulsions were due to their support of Confederate states during the Civil War.

Hannah McCarthy: So if oaths don't really mean anything, if they don't really have any teeth.

Nick Capodice: Legally.

Hannah McCarthy: Legally, why do we take them?

Nick Capodice: I can't really say. Hannah, you might as well ask why the ancient Greeks or the Romans took them, or why officials from New Zealand to Pakistan to Brazil take oaths. Even before our founding [00:19:00] people asked that question. Noah Webster of Dictionary fame, He said that oaths were a badge of folly, borrowed from the dark ages of bigotry, and that was in 1787. Now, others say that it is a crucial part of our system. It makes our officials proclaim that they serve the Constitution, not some sort of supreme leader. And again, outlining the oath was the very first thing our Congress did.

Hannah McCarthy: I will admit, any time I [00:19:30] had, like, a kid club, I would always devise some oath. You know, I was like, this. This will give this weight. This will take it from just things that kids are doing to something real.

Nick Capodice: Were you ever in the Girl Scouts?

Hannah McCarthy: Duh.

Nick Capodice: How did it go?

Hannah McCarthy: Hold on. On my honor, I will try to serve God in my country to help people at all times and to live by the Girl Scout law.

Nick Capodice: I got kicked out of the Cub Scouts after one day when I was six years old. I don't know what I did.

Hannah McCarthy: So how are you going to end [00:20:00] this?

Nick Capodice: Well, thankfully, Hannah, unlike oaths, our episode conclusions are not predetermined.

Hannah McCarthy: So a Game of Thrones joke, then?

Nick Capodice: Why can't George R.R. Martin use Twitter?

Hannah McCarthy: All right. Why can't he?

Nick Capodice: To tell a story he requires more than 140 characters.

Hannah McCarthy: Oh, okay. Yeah. Although I do think it's. It's 280 characters.

Nick Capodice: Now. Well, the joke still works with that number. What's Breanne made of?

Hannah McCarthy: Metal.

Nick Capodice: Tarth. You [00:20:30] get it?

Hannah McCarthy: It? Yeah. Maid Of Tarth.

Nick Capodice: Yeah.

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah.

Nick Capodice: Why is Caitlin Stark like a breakfast cereal?

Hannah McCarthy: I don't know why.

Nick Capodice: She's Raisin' Bran!

Nick Capodice: That's it for oaths. Thanks for letting us swear to you. Jessi Klein. This episode was made by me. Nick Capodice. With you. Hannah McCarthy. Thank you. Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton. Christina Phillips is our senior producer and Rebecca Lavoie, our executive producer.

Hannah McCarthy: Music in this episode by Anitek, Bisou, Derek Stephens, Rambutan, the Grand Affair, Max Anson, Ooyy, Howard Harper Barnes, Phillip Ayers, Jesse Gallagher, and Chris Zabriskie. [00:21:00]

Nick Capodice: Civics 101 is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.


 
 

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Federal Courts: The Trial of the Chicago 7

In 1968, a raucous Democratic nominating convention was overshadowed only by the shouts outside to end the war. This is the story of how eight different protestors from very different walks of life ended up before an increasingly indignant judge and walked away scot-free -- but not before putting on a good show. 

Our guests are Victor Goode of CUNCY School of Law, Jeet Heer, national affairs correspondent for The Nation and Jeanne Barr, history teacher at the Francis W. Parker School in Chicago.

 

 

Transcript

Note: the following transcript was machine generated and may contain errors.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:02] By 1968, a lot of Americans were asking the same question.

 

Lyndon Baines Johnson: [00:00:07] It's just something that I don't understand why.

 

Lyndon Baines Johnson: [00:00:16] Why Vietnam?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:21] And a lot of Americans had had enough.

 

Archival: [00:00:25] If you're here for peace, let me hear you say peace. You want peace?.

 

[00:00:29] Let's [00:00:30] get it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:35] I mine in April of that year under the controversy and cloud of the Vietnam War. With the conflict still going strong, with tens of thousands of Americans and millions of Vietnamese dead and a slipping approval rating and a barely won primary victory, incumbent President Lyndon Baines Johnson made an announcement.

 

Lyndon Baines Johnson: [00:00:58] I shall not seek [00:01:00] and I will not accept the nomination of my party for another term as your president.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:01:09] And Johnson is one of only six incumbent presidents to not run for reelection so far.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:15] Giving a deeply divided Democratic Party about six months to come up with a candidate before the August Democratic National Convention and the protesters plenty of time to prepare.

 

Archival: [00:01:27] Well, how much is it worth to you to call it off? Call [00:01:30] off what? A million, would you have done it for a million. The revolution? Yeah. What's your price? My life.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:48] This is Civics 101. I'm Hannah McCarthy.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:01:50] I'm Nick Capodice.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:50] And today, as part of our series on federal court cases, I've got a little piece of theater for you called The Trial of the Chicago Seven.

 

Archival: [00:01:59] Defendants in the trial [00:02:00] say its outcome could decide the future of free dissent in the United States.

 

Archival: [00:02:05] I think we're being tried with carrying a state of mind across the state border. We're doing quite well. I think we win every single day but the last if it wasn't for the law, we'd win hands down. Because you've seen that case, that's all. Never Neverland of insanity that only the US government and city of Chicago can dwell in.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:02:24] And that reporter there said it could decide the future of free dissent. Is the Chicago Seven [00:02:30] a trial about protest?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:31] Yes. No, not officially, but yes. Officially, though, it was a trial about conspiracy to incite riots. Unofficially, a lot of people say it was a trial about making an example of some very loud dissenters who flooded into Chicago during the August 1968 DNC, the Democratic National Convention.

 

Archival: [00:02:52] I mean, everybody is allowed to do their thing. If some people storm the amphitheater, they storm the amphitheater. Some people want to swim naked [00:03:00] in the lake. They swim naked in the lake. Other people want to go and tell the cops what we're doing. That's good. The cops want to come down and beat our heads. That's it. I mean, it's all conceived as a total theater with everyone becoming an actor.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:03:22] All right, let's get into it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:23] Let's shall.

 

Victor Goode: [00:03:28] Ok. I'm a recently [00:03:30] retired professor of law at the City University School of Law. But prior to that, I was the national director of the National Conference of Black Lawyers.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:39] This is Victor Good.

 

Victor Goode: [00:03:40] I was in Chicago in 1968 because I was an undergraduate at Northwestern University. The people that I was talking to and listening to knew that something bad was about to happen. And we knew the Chicago Police and many of my classmates said, look, these kids coming [00:04:00] in from out of town don't know what they're about to get into.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:03] I have an ill divining soul here, Hannah.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:05] Yeah, conflict is coming, and I'm going to get to those kids coming in from out of town in just a minute here. But Victor reminded me of how the country was doing at this time.

 

Victor Goode: [00:04:17] Of course, John Kennedy is assassinated in 1963.

 

Archival: [00:04:20] From Dallas, Texas, the flash apparently official. President Kennedy died at 1 p.m. Central Standard Time.

 

Victor Goode: [00:04:29] Lyndon Johnson, [00:04:30] the vice president, assumes the presidency at.

 

Archival: [00:04:33] At 2:38 in the forward cabin of Air Force One. A necessary ceremony.

 

Archival: [00:04:39] You solemnly swear.

 

Victor Goode: [00:04:40] And he finishes Kennedy's one year, his final year term.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:45] And Johnson ran again, right?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:47] Yeah. Johnson overwhelmingly won his bid for a proper four year presidency.

 

Lyndon Baines Johnson: [00:04:51] I know that this is more than a victory of party or person.

 

Victor Goode: [00:04:58] So Johnson begins a number [00:05:00] of initiatives. Great Society is what he call it Great Society programs. But Johnson also begins to escalate the war from 65 to 68. American troop deployment reached, I think, close to five or 600,000 troops. So it was a massive escalation of the war.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:05:21] And to be clear, a lot of the American public were not thrilled by this.

 

Victor Goode: [00:05:25] Despite the fact that antiwar protests were beginning [00:05:30] in 65, 66, 67, the government was going in the opposite direction. And the government, of course, was led by the president and his party, the Democratic Party. And so with the Democratic Convention in Chicago, all the antiwar groups said this is a time for us to send a message, especially at the point of the election, that we want peace, we want an end to the American involvement in Vietnam.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:08] 1968, [00:06:00] everything is coming to a head.

 

Jeet Heer: [00:06:11] 1968 was the year when everything was falling apart in America.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:16] I'm bringing in another guest. Please meet Jeet Heer, national affairs correspondent for the Nation.

 

Jeet Heer: [00:06:22] It began with the sort of Tet Offensive, which was an American military victory, but not really a sort of Pyrrhic victory, because the very fact [00:06:30] that the Viet Cong got so close to actually taking over that attacked the American embassy really meant that, like, you know, people woke up to the fact that they had been lied to about the Vietnam War.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:06:42] And I suppose it didn't help the government's case that this was our first televised war. Like Americans were in their living rooms at night watching this war go down.

 

Archival: [00:06:51] The walls of houses. Ricochet... These Vietnamese Marines are spearheading the assault.

 

Jeet Heer: [00:07:01] Adding [00:07:00] to the fuel to the fire, Martin Luther King jr. comes out against the war. Very hard decision because he is obviously very appreciative of what the Johnson administration was doing on civil rights. But the war got so bad and then King being assassinated, Robert Kennedy being assassinated, leading to the convention, which is going to be a sort of coronation for Hubert Humphrey. Various anti war forces and radical forces decide to make the convention a real spot for political protest.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:29] This [00:07:30] is important to remember the people who showed up to protest in Chicago in 1968 were there primarily to call upon the delegates and politicians of the DNC to propose a resolution to end the war. And the Democrats at the convention, by the way, were intensely divided on the subject. Also, it is worth noting that Chicago had been the scene of deadly rioting months earlier following MLK Jr's assassination, during which Mayor Daley [00:08:00] gave the police the authority to shoot, to kill or maim arsonists and looters. Many politicians wanted to move the convention to Miami, but Daley insisted he would keep things peaceful. So before we get into what went down, I want to establish who is actually organizing and showing up to protest because the leaders of some of these movements are going to end up becoming the Chicago Seven. Primarily the Yippies and the MOBE. First, [00:08:30] allow me to introduce the Yippies.

 

Jeanne Barr: [00:08:33] The most vividly imaginative, creatively obvious where the Yippies.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:38] This is our third guest, Jeanne Barr, teacher and chair of the Department of History and Social Studies at the Frances W Parker School in Chicago.

 

Jeanne Barr: [00:08:45] This is the Youth International Party, which had been formed. As you know, today's audience might think of it as almost like a mockumentary in the vein of Spinal Tap or Best in Show.

 

Archival: [00:08:59] See, I can. [00:09:00] I could hold you off forever just by using theatrical techniques. Oh, sure. You see.

 

Jeet Heer: [00:09:08] These are kind of a theatrical street performers. They were sort of real pioneers of something that we see much more commonly now, sort of politics as street theater, politics as mass entertainment. But as an example, to mock the convention, they nominated their own alternative candidate, Pigasus, a pig to be president.

 

Archival: [00:09:28] Why [00:09:30] did you decide to become a candidate?

 

Jeanne Barr: [00:09:37] But these guys were very serious political actors, and they were using the mechanisms of politics as theater and theater as politics, and showing just the absurdity that was present in the military industrial complex, in modern racism, in solidarity with the civil rights movement, but definitely with their own agenda.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:09:58] The Yippies are led by [00:10:00] two wildly enigmatic people. There was Abbie Hoffman.

 

Jeanne Barr: [00:10:04] Abbie Hoffman organized an event where he rained dollar bills down on the stock market back in the days when they used to, like, be down on the floor shouting at each other. And the traders were just grasping for the money. And it created this visual of these traders grasping for money that was sort of indelible. You know, they took photos and those pictures went out. So it was sort of like really early propaganda in the vein of using television and media long before digital [00:10:30] media of the way that we know it now.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:32] And the other leader, that would be Jerry Rubin.

 

Jeanne Barr: [00:10:35] Jerry Rubin is the Berkeley Free Speech Movement. He organized protests at the Pentagon. They would march to the Pentagon famously, and they got way more people than people realize. You know, that was one of the visible moments of, you know, using the tactics of the civil rights movement to get the bodies into the street and show the visible signs that they were not alone. And then people who feel like they are alone start to recognize, like, oh, you know, there's other people who have my point of view and a movement is formed. He later [00:11:00] famously tried to levitate the Pentagon levitating the evil spirits out of the Pentagon. And there's Jerry Rubin, running back and forth between the thousands of people out there levitating the Pentagon, which he said had been possessed by speeches.

 

Archival: [00:11:13] The task of writing and conducting the actual ritual of exorcism fell to Ed Saunders of the New York group The Fugs. He invoked a wide variety of forces... In the name of Zeus and the name of Anubis, God of the dead in the name of Seabourn Aphrodite. [00:11:30]

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:30] So that is the Yippies, the other major movement who organizes to go to Chicago. That would be the MOBE.

 

Jeanne Barr: [00:11:38] We should talk about the MOBE. Dave Dellinger is they sort of characterize him as the granddaddy. I think of him as one of the hearts and souls of the peace movement of the 20th century.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:50] Dave Dellinger, by the way, is of a different generation than a lot of the people who showed up to protest in '68. In contrast to the mostly young crowd, Dellinger [00:12:00] was in his fifties and he'd been antiwar since World War Two, which back then was not the most popular of positions.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:12:09] And Dave Dellinger, is he the MOBE? Does he call himself that?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:13] I'm sorry. I can see how that was confusing. No. The MOBE is shorthand for the National Mobilization Committee to end the war in Vietnam. Its members included Dellinger, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr, Coretta Scott King and Dr. Benjamin Spock.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:12:28] Dr. Spock is in like the baby [00:12:30] guy.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:30] Yeah, the very same.

 

Archival: [00:12:31] The easiest thing in the world for a doctor or for a doctor. Writing a book is to scare the bejesus out of people. And the previous books on child care all were along the general lines, Look out, stupid. If you don't do exactly what I say, you'll kill your child, or at least make your child very sick.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:12:47] As a quick aside, everyone. Dr. Spock's baby and child care was literally the only baby book my parents owned. This guy revolutionized the idea of how we parent.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:58] Yeah, pro babies, and [00:13:00] antiwar. So. All right, here we are. We're in Chicago. And there's a Chicago office of the mob that is overseeing this major protest planning. And it was headed by two paragons of youth protest. First, Tom Hayden. He'd been a leader of the Students for Democratic Society, a huge national activist organization.

 

Jeanne Barr: [00:13:20] There were a lot of student groups. This was maybe the Uber student group, or at least Tom Hayden would like you to think so. They organized much of them at the University of Michigan, and a lot of it was their [00:13:30] protest that kind of the same what we might call the dead white man canon was being sort of, they thought, shoved down the throats of students who wanted different teachers and different voices and different resources. Most campus professors were white. Most of them were male. Not all, but there was a certain liberal bent in their politics, but not necessarily in their representation. And so this was confronted. Hayden was a big part of this.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:13:56] Tom Hayden's right hand man was Rennie Davis, who, by the way, [00:14:00] when you look at pictures of these guys together, especially if proudly unshaven, Abbie Hoffman or Jerry Rubin are around, Rennie stands out as this clean cut, bespectacled son of a Truman administration economist, which he was, but he was also the real deal and apparently a master organizer and recruiter for the movement.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:14:21] All right. I want to do a quick recap. I've got five so far, Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Dave "the MOBE," Dellinger, Tom Hayden and the bespectacled Rennie Davis. [00:14:30]

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:14:30] Yeah, those. Were the major organizers of the DNC protests, the MOBE and the Yippies. The way I feel, I should point out, the MOBE was kind of organizing one protest while the Yippies were organizing another. Specifically, they were organizing the Festival of Life.

 

Archival: [00:14:49] The Democratic Party represented death. So the Yippies decided to hold a festival of life during the Democratic convention with free concerts, workshops [00:15:00] in Parks, Yippie Olympics, a week long, joyful presentation of an alternative lifestyle.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:09] Which advertised, according to the Chicago Sun-Times, Come All You Rebels, Youth Spirits, Rock Minstrels, Truth Seekers, Peacock Freaks, Poets, Barricade Jumpers, Dancers, Lovers and artists. We are there. There are 500,000 of us dancing in the streets, throbbing with amplifiers in harmony.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:28] And by contrast, is [00:15:30] the mob doing a more like stereotypical protest with speakers and lectures and that sort of thing?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:36] Yeah, it was just. It was a little.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:39] No peacock freaks.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:40] No peacock freaks.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:42] So slightly different approaches towards the same problem.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:45] Yeah, you could say that.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:46] All right. And you said that the leaders of these groups, the Yippies and the MOBE, eventually would become the accused in the Chicago seven trial. But again, I counted five. So who were the other two?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:57] Okay, the other two. You had John [00:16:00] Froines and Leigh Weiner. These guys are considered the kind of forgotten defendants of the Chicago seven trial. They were not movement leaders. They were professors. And they weren't even given the exact same charges as the others. Some who have analyzed the trial suspect that what was going on with them is that the government brought them in as a warning to other academics who might consider joining in on protest. So that's hour seven, right? But actually, Nick, there is one more critical [00:16:30] defendant because the Chicago seven, it was originally the Chicago eight. Here's Victor Goode again.

 

Victor Goode: [00:16:39] The Black Panther Party was brought in even though the Black Panther Party was not a major factor in those demonstrations. They went after Bobby Seale because the Black Panther Party had voiced their support for the demonstrations.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:53] Bobby Seale, co-founder of the Black Panthers, a revolutionary group originally devoted to protecting black Americans from [00:17:00] police brutality. It then grew to become a nationwide Marxist black power movement.

 

Victor Goode: [00:17:05] The Black Panther Party was not active in the antiwar movement. The Black Panther Party, of course, had their own platform in their own program.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:15] Still, the Black Panthers realized that the same government forces that were trying to shut down the antiwar movement were trying to shut down the Black Panther Party.

 

Victor Goode: [00:17:23] So they believed in coalition work. And so they said, look, you know, we support you guys [00:17:30] because you folks are trying to change the government that's trying to oppress us, not trying to, but has been oppressing us for four decades. So they supported the struggle without actually being an active participant in the entire planning process.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:17:46] But Bobby Seale is not a member of the final Chicago seven.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:50] That's right. He is at a point removed from the case.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:17:54] Hannah?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:54] Yes, Nick.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:17:55] I think it's time we've got our defendants. And how did they end up being [00:18:00] in a federal trial?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:01] That's coming up after the break.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:18:03] But real quick, listeners, I know for a fact that this episode is half as long as Hannah wanted it to be. If you want to see the stuff that didn't make it in all the fun side ephemera and trivia, just head on over to our website, civics101podcast.org and subscribe to Extra Credit. It's free. It's fun. You're going to love it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:24] We're back and we're talking about the trial of the Chicago Seven, nay eight. [00:18:30]

 

Nick Capodice: [00:18:30] Now, at the top of the episode, Hannah, you said that this was a trial about conspiracy.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:34] Correct. Most of the defendants were brought up on the charge of conspiracy to incite a riot.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:18:40] But it's also kind of a case about protest.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:44] That's the sort of simmering question in the courtroom. What is really on trial here? But to get to that courtroom, we have to start in the streets of Chicago in the months leading up to the 1968 Democratic National Convention. Here is Victor Goode again.

 

Victor Goode: [00:18:59] Richard J. Daley [00:19:00] is mayor of Chicago, and some referred to him at that time as the emperor of Chicago. He had been mayor of Chicago, I think, for at least a dozen years. And not only was he mayor of Chicago, he was head of the county Democratic machine of Cook County. And so Daley was a key political operative in the overall Democratic Party. And so, first of all, he was very pleased that the Democratic Party was hosting its convention in [00:19:30] his city, and he really meant his city.

 

Archival: [00:19:33] We respect the constitutional rights and the human rights of everyone, but no one will take the law in their own hand or be law and order in Chicago as long as I'm mayor.

 

Victor Goode: [00:19:44] So he had both an ego and a kind of a political interest in making everything go smoothly. So the idea that protesters were coming to his town and potentially disrupting this political [00:20:00] moment that he was about to have as the organizer and convener of this convention was something that infuriated Daly. So was he planning to stop the demonstrations? To the extent that he could, the answer is yes.

 

Archival: [00:20:16] The peace groups are demanding permission to march on convention hall the night the Democrats nominate their candidate for president. The city says no. That would endanger security. There is a possibility of mass arrests unless the city allows the demonstrators [00:20:30] to camp out in public parks. There is nowhere else for them to stay. At a news conference this morning, the mayor read a ringing statement of welcome to the protesters as if nothing was about to happen.

 

Victor Goode: [00:20:42] And you know what I say to the extent that he could. Therein lies the tension between the First Amendment on one hand, that guarantees persons a right to petition, government, to protest, to demonstrate, and on the other hand, certain limitations that are imposed on protesters so that [00:21:00] it's not an absolute right. There are some limitations to what they call in a legal terms time, place and manner in which a protest can take place.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:09] Time, place and manner restrictions. In other words, if there is legitimate government interest to limit protest in public places, like if a protest would disrupt traffic or block the entrance to a building or result in public harassment, then it is constitutional for that government to limit protest. Even [00:21:30] then, they have to provide, quote, alternative channels of communication. Another way to exercise your constitutional right to petition your government when you are dissatisfied. Now the organizers of the DNC protests knew that bringing thousands of protesters to Chicago parks and streets had the potential to obstruct the normal flow of things. They knew they would probably need a permit.

 

Victor Goode: [00:21:55] The city responded by giving them the most limited permit that they [00:22:00] could. They limited where they could protest. They steered them away from the actual Democratic convention. And so the protesters goal, of course, was to to be seen and to be heard by the people going to the convention. And the city's objection was to prevent that from happening. And so the limitations were put on the protest. And the protesters agree, basically, we're not going to follow these these limitations. We [00:22:30] have to be able to move along our our own protest route toward the convention hall so that the delegates to the convention would hear what we are saying and see what we were asking them to do.

 

Archival: [00:22:44] I take one look at the troops in Vietnam. I know what American foreign policy is about America now. That's America, the Democratic Party. Most of us here didn't come to support McCarthy, so.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:23:00] Hey [00:23:00] Now Daley had about 12,000 cops and 6000 National Guard members on the streets, and they were joined by 6000 Army troops, all to keep protesters docile and away from the convention at Chicago's International Amphitheater.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:23:17] And how many protesters were there total?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:23:20] Well, the estimate at the most pivotal gatherings that week was around 10,000 people. But there are about 25,000 protesters in total in Chicago. Now, far [00:23:30] fewer than Abbie Hoffman had said there would be, but about a 1 to 1 ratio of law enforcement to demonstrators. Arrests started to happen on August 23rd. You remember how Jeet here mentioned the Yippies nominating a pig to be president.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:23:45] Pigasus, a not so subtle way of saying that politicians are pigs.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:23:48] Yeah. And when they gathered in this place in Chicago called Civic Center Plaza to stage this spectacle and release the pig, the cops started arresting people, including Jerry Rubin. That [00:24:00] is the beginning.

 

Archival: [00:24:02] We are not even on the street yet, although it is certainly our intention to march to the amphitheater in the street, because we think that the street is necessary to accommodate this many people. We may be nonviolent, but we're stubborn. And so we are appealing publicly through the press, through Deputy Commander Reardon on the sidewalk. We don't march today. [00:24:30] Made very clear that.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:24:36] Now this does eventually escalate into a riot, correct?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:24:41] It would eventually be called a riot, yes. But I also want to be very clear, initial investigation did not blame the riot on the protesters over the course of days. There were clashes with police, many of them violent protesters. And members of the media were tear gassed and [00:25:00] beaten. Surges of angry shouting protesters were met with brutal force on the part of the police. This all culminated in the bloody battle of Michigan Avenue.

 

Victor Goode: [00:25:27] Initially the police were pushing protesters [00:25:30] out of Grant Park and Michigan Avenue was just a few blocks away from the park. So as they began to get corralled onto Michigan Avenue, some of the protesters began to respond by breaking windows. And the police, of course, responded by escalating their violence against the protesters. So this was the beginning of a series of escalations that ultimately coalesced in front of the Democratic National Convention itself in Grant Park, [00:26:00] in which the police made a massive sweep against the protesters, in which and these, of course, of course, are the famous scenes that I'm sure many of your listeners have seen many times, both in video or in still shot photos of police wading into the crowds and beating and arresting anyone in everyone they encounter.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:26:29] At some point, [00:26:30] officers pushed a group through a plate glass window and then beat them with billy clubs. And a lot of this, just like the war that these groups had come to protest, was caught on film and broadcast across the country. Again, this is Jeet here.

 

Jeet Heer: [00:26:44] One of the chants that the protesters had is the whole world is watching. And that's exactly the case. Perhaps maybe even give a sort of broader sense of how polarized the period was. One of the networks, [00:27:00] I believe CBS had William Buckley Junior and Gore Vidal as the commentators of the Chicago. This is what's going on there. And Vidal was defending this protesters and Buckley was taking the the side of the cops.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:27:15] Oh, I have seen these conversations. William F Buckley and Gore Vidal, they had these televised debates during both the Democratic and Republican National Conventions, and they were super heated. These two hated each other.

 

Archival: [00:27:28] Any point of view you want, they shut [00:27:30] up a minute. No, I won't. Some people were pro-Nazi, and the answer is that they were they were well treated by people who ostracize them. And I'm for ostracizing people who egg on other people to shoot American Marines and American soldiers. I know you don't say anything but pro or crypto-Nazi I can think of as yourself failing that.

 

Jeet Heer: [00:27:50] So this is the state of American political discourse in Chicago in 68.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:27:55] So both inside and outside the convention, there's deep division, there's anger, [00:28:00] there's violence. It is a perfect microcosmic expression of the state of dissatisfaction and disagreement in America in 1968. And immediately following this mess. Nick, Mayor Daley claims that the violence was caused by the protesters who unleashed it on the cops. However, President Johnson's National Violence Commission requested an investigation and report on these events. The investigation reviewed tens [00:28:30] of thousands of pages of witness statements, thousands of eyewitness accounts, thousands of photographs, and nearly 200 hours of film of the events of these days. It concluded that most cops behaved responsibly, but that those who hadn't needed to be prosecuted. It said that some protesters were provocative and violent, but that most were peaceful. And most importantly, Nick, this report concluded that the violent events that had occurred in the streets [00:29:00] during the 1968 DNC was a police riot.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:29:04] So the president received a report saying that this was a police riot and that some police ought to be prosecuted.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:29:10] That's right.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:29:13] How did that turn into eight protesters being charged with conspiracy?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:29:18] Well, based on Mayor Daley's report, again, which definitely indicted the protesters. A judge in Illinois convened a grand jury to investigate protesters and law enforcement alike. [00:29:30] This grand jury process took six months. And in that time, Hubert Humphrey, the Democratic presidential candidate, lost to Richard Nixon.

 

Archival: [00:29:40] At almost midday Eastern Time, NBC News project projected Richard Nixon, the 37th president of the United States, when it became evident he had carried Illinois. Final returns may well reveal that indeed it was Mayor Richard Daley's Illinois and Mayor Richard Daley Chicago, which averted a deadlock and a political constitutional [00:30:00] crisis of incredible proportions.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:30:02] Johnson wasn't president anymore. The violence commission was terminated. President Nixon appointed a new attorney general, and that AG strengthened the case against the protesters. This is despite the findings of Johnson's Violence Commission, despite the fact that these protesters attempted to obtain permits. The Illinois grand jury finally decided to charge seven officers [00:30:30] with assault and one with perjury and eight protesters with conspiracy to use interstate commerce to incite a riot. Six of them also with crossing state lines to start a riot, and two of them with teaching demonstrators how to create incendiary devices for civil disturbance.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:30:48] Just to be clear, is that legalese for Molotov cocktails?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:30:51] Sure is.

 

Jeet Heer: [00:30:58] I think that the the government decided [00:31:00] to make an example of this and decide to really prosecute the people who are the instigators of the trial. And then I think it's a very telling point that they also went after the Black Panthers, a real source of anxiety and fear in the ruling class. The idea of sort of militant black organization that was armed and and preaching multiracial revolution. And so they have this kind of, you know, the leaders of the other anti war protesters and the Black Panthers. And they had this [00:31:30] big kind of trial and it became a spectacle.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:31:33] A spectacle in part because these defendants knew how to use media coverage and a stage, and they had both in that courtroom and a spectacle because of who presided over it all. Judge Julius Hoffman. Here's Gene Barr again.

 

Jeanne Barr: [00:31:51] He is, you know, thinks he's a liberal, thinks he's a defender of what is good and true in the American way. And he's under assault by this new generation, this new sort [00:32:00] of way of thinking and his own complicity and his own, you know, blinders on. What what's confronting him is inability to read the room, as we might say today.

 

Archival: [00:32:09] Judge Julius Hoffman ordered the family of Bobby Seale out of his courtroom today for sitting in the press section while the defendants family was barred. Other coveted press seats were occupied by social friends of the court who are not reporters. As the Black Panther Party chairman's wife and five other relatives entered the courtroom, the judge leaned over to a U.S. marshal and said, [00:32:30] Find out who these people are. If they don't have press credentials, get them out of here. The family was ordered to leave. Seale jumped up. Judge Hoffman, what about other black people who are not allowed to come into this courtroom? The judge relented, allowing Seale's family to sit in the back row. What the judge did not say is that private arrangements were made for people who are not reporters to sit in the press section throughout this trial.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:32:55] Throughout the trial, Judge Hoffman, no relation to Abbie, by the way, is met [00:33:00] with the scoffs, mocking and legitimate calls for meaningful due process by the eight defendants.

 

Jeet Heer: [00:33:06] Going to a courtroom. You're supposed to like everyone rises as the judge rises and you're supposed to pay deference to the judge. Now, the brilliance and madness and genius of Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin was that they realized, like, well, what if we did that? Like, what have we did not respect the majesty of the law or whatever. We just turn this into a circus. And what are they going to do?

 

Nick Capodice: [00:33:28] What what did Abbie Hoffman [00:33:30] and Jerry Rubin do?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:33:31] Well, they did things like show up in judge's robes. One day when asked to remove the robes, they revealed Chicago police uniforms underneath as they wiped their feet on those judge's robes. Abbie did a headstand on the defendants table. Jerry Rubin told Judge Hoffman that he was the laughing stock of the world. He called him synonymous with Hitler. Tom Hayden read the names of those recently killed in the war. Abbie Hoffman brought in a Vietcong flag.

 

Archival: [00:33:59] There was a [00:34:00] physical fight in the federal courtroom in Chicago, where eight leaders of last year's anti-war demonstration at the Democratic National Convention are on trial for conspiring to incite a riot. A Viet Cong flag was. From the grasp of Abbie Hoffman touching off the most tumultuous incident of the trial, Judge Hoffman ruled that he would not allow enemy flags in his courtroom.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:34:28] This is just utter chaos. You just [00:34:30] you don't hear about this kind of thing happening in a courtroom. It doesn't sound real.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:34:35] Well, part of the point is that the defendants thought this whole trial was baseless in terms of conspiracy. The Yippies and the MOBE did not plan together and they did not do anything in secret. Never mind the fact that they asked for permits to do it or the fact that Bobby Seale had no connection to these groups. So the defendants believed this trial was political, that what was actually [00:35:00] on trial was the First Amendment right to petition, the right to, quote, appeal to government in favor of or against policies that affect them or in which they feel strongly that it was the US government trying to make a point about demonstrators who do not demure. And the defense lawyers, William Kunstler and Leonard Weinglass, they were with them on that.

 

Archival: [00:35:24] One final indication of what our attitude is. We've [00:35:30] decided to call our legal and political defense committee the conspiracy. We are people whose work against war, poverty, racism, corporate and military power is being called a conspiracy. We're proud of this work. We're going to continue it.

 

Jeet Heer: [00:35:47] The whole premise of their defense strategy was, well, this is already a farce, and if we treat it as if it's serious, then we're kind of like, you know, admitting that there's some sort of plausible claim here. We're conceding too much. [00:36:00]

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:36:00] Meanwhile, Judge Hoffman is just throwing out one contempt of court charge after another. And in the midst of all of this, by the way, is Bobby Seale. Bobby Seale, who was not a member of the Yippies or the MOBE. Bobby Seale, who is not a friend and collaborator of any of the other defendants. Bobby Seale, who was at the Chicago protests to make a speech and then go home the next day. Bobby Seale, who had his own lawyer.

 

Jeanne Barr: [00:36:27] Right. You know, he has a long history. He's not it doesn't come out of nowhere. [00:36:30] He's got a whole persona. He's got a whole political organization. He's a known public entity. He's got his own lawyer. Right. So he's had his brushes with the law over the years and his lawyer is ill at the time of the trial, has just had gallbladder surgery and it's a convention of American trials. The judges usually say, oh, okay, well, we'll postpone out of courtesy to a lawyer who is ill legitimately. And he was and this judge didn't. And so he said that Bobby couldn't have his own lawyer. And Bobby was like, no, I'm not. I'm not going to trial without my own lawyer. That's my right. I have a Sixth Amendment right to have counsel [00:37:00] out of this. Bobby becomes enraged and incensed, rightfully by his treatment by this judge. Really, really just an unfortunate turns. He ends up making the decision, long story short, to bound and gagged Bobby at the witness stand. He gets basically carried out of the taken out of court forcefully one day and then carried back in, tied to a chair with a gag.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:37:21] Here's Bobby Seale speaking with Democracy Now! In 2018.

 

Bobby Seale: [00:37:25] I was bound up my head. The only thing you could see [00:37:30] is my my eyes and my nose. I was bound up with ace bandages. You know, the ace bandage you put around the knees when you're playing basketball, all stuff that tighten up. That's what I was. And then right around here, all the arteries just going down. And they brought me in the courtroom. My arms are strapped down to the wheelchair. My legs are strapped to the to the legs to the big, heavy wooden chair. The last day of gagging. And when I got in, I mean, I was losing blood pressure circulation. [00:38:00]

 

Nick Capodice: [00:38:01] So Bobby Seale is incensed at the sheer lack of justice and constitutionality and the response to his anger. The judge has him bound and gagged.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:38:14] Three days in a row. Bobby Seale is the only black defendant in the room, and he's bound and gagged on the order of an indignant white judge. It was shocking. It was galling. And it was really bad optics.

 

Jeanne Barr: [00:38:29] Right. So that that [00:38:30] was the atomic bomb. And then the judge issued a whole ton of contempt citations that were subject of protests outside the courtroom as lawyers around the country flew in to protest against the way the lawyers were being treated. So part of the legal breakdown of the trial certainly was a piece of the Bobby Seale part. They end up severing his case. So the Chicago eight becomes the Chicago seven. He ends up having his own trial. He's still alive. He sells barbecue sauce, among other things.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:39:03] The [00:39:00] trial began on September 24th, 1969. It ended in late February 1970. Over the course of the trial, Allen Ginsberg was called to the stage here at poetry and chanted Ohm. Timothy Leary was called to the stand. Jesse Jackson testified. Norman Mailer testified. What? Nick It was theater. And like Jean said, it was real. Judge Julius Hoffman issued over 170 [00:39:30] contempt of court charges against the defendants. When it came time for the jury to deliberate, Judge Hoffman on Brand didn't exactly stick with protocol.

 

Victor Goode: [00:39:41] At the end of any trial, a judge charges the jury at the charging phase. The judge says this is what the legal statutes require for a conviction. And if you find that these elements have been met, you can find a [00:40:00] verdict of guilty for these these defendants.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:40:03] Basically, the judge says, here's how the law works. Use all the information you've learned during this trial to apply that law and find a verdict.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:40:12] Yeah, but Hoffman didn't do that.

 

Victor Goode: [00:40:15] Hoffman, however, described the law and charge the jury in such a way so that rather than merely describing the charge to the jury, describing the law, actually in some ways began to argue [00:40:30] for conviction of guilt. There's no precedence for that at all.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:40:35] In other words, Judge Julius Hoffman sent the jury away with a strong bias. But did it have the desired effect?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:40:43] Well, first, Nick, the jury goes away to deliberate on the trial charges and Judge Hoffman goes ahead and convict everyone of his many, many contempt charges that he issued over the course of the trial. And this is something a judge does most certainly have the power to do in the United [00:41:00] States, issue sanctions when that judge determines that someone has been disruptive or disrespectful in the courtroom. And Judge Hoffman, he goes with some serious sanctions, indeed, sentencing the defendants anywhere up to four years in prison.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:41:16] Wait. So before they even know if they're going to be found guilty of conspiracy, they've got prison sentences based on just contempt of court.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:41:23] That's right. The jury came back, though, and acquitted everyone of conspiracy and Froines and Weiner [00:41:30] of all charges. They did find Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Dave Dellinger, Tom Hayden and Rennie Davis, guilty of traveling between states with the intent to start a riot. It didn't stick.

 

Victor Goode: [00:41:45] The appellate court took a look at what Judge Hoffman had done and basically tossed all the convictions and, of course, admonished Judge Hoffman for the way in which he had conducted that trial.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:41:57] Wait. After all that, [00:42:00] after the violence in the streets, the conspiracy charges, the outrageous courtroom drama, did anything come out of it? Hanna Like what happened to the cops who were charged with assault and perjury?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:42:13] Nothing. Seven acquittals and one dropped case.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:42:16] And we know the war didn't end.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:42:17] It had another five years.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:42:19] So here's my question. Is there, there, there, or was this case just a loud disruption that didn't change anything like the antiwar protests [00:42:30] in Chicago in 1968?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:42:32] This is an important question. Does political theater, which I think we can safely say this case proved itself to be both on the part of the government and the defendants result in change?

 

Jeet Heer: [00:42:49] Well, I think that the basic lesson, which I think that the defendants all shared was an awareness of that the legal system is not just about laws, that there's also a sort of politics [00:43:00] implicit in it, and that the consequences of a legal trial aren't just like the decisions that are made, but exactly like it is. It got a huge amount of attention and changed a lot of attitudes and polarize a lot of people in different directions because the defendants realize that the courtroom is a state, the courtroom is an avenue of political theater, and that there are ways in which you can use the courtroom to reach a far wider audience than otherwise. And I think [00:43:30] that, you know, there's always been kind of significant, important trials. But I'm hard pressed to think of one where the courtroom was used so effectively to convey the message that the defendants wanted.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:43:41] And as far as law and policy goes, I asked Victor good about this. And he said, you know what? No, no laws changed following the riots or the case. But he also brought the whole thing back to the reason these eight men ended up in court to begin with protest whether they were allowed to do it, where they were allowed to do it, and how [00:44:00] they were allowed to do it.

 

Victor Goode: [00:44:01] What it did do is it caused other courts and other jurisdictions to say, well, look, maybe we need to apply this concept of time, place and manner and where your demonstrations can take place in a more balanced way. So we don't use these permits to create conflict and to create a situation where there is police abuse. Instead, let's try to allow the First Amendment to have its flowering [00:44:30] and to have its space.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:44:33] So this is the last thing, Hannah And we haven't actually called it out up until this point. You got thousands of young, angry protesters taken to the streets because of their dissatisfaction with violence, with government, brutal police violence, questions about constitutional rights, a massive divide in a party. So many of the events and problems that led to the Chicago seven eight trial are happening [00:45:00] in America today, over 50 years later. So did we actually learn anything from the wildness and spectacle and violence of the 1960s or of this trial? Or I guess can we learn anything looking back at it today?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:45:17] It's funny you should ask. Victor and I had this moment at the end of the interview when we were speaking about constitutional rights, about the government's role in upholding them, about our role and making sure the government does. And per usual, [00:45:30] Nick, when I talk about the weight of fundamental rights, I get a little bit overwhelmed. It really means something to me. I feel it on a deep level. And when I mentioned this to Victor. He essentially said, well, that's pretty much the whole point. That was the point in 1968 and that is the point now.

 

Victor Goode: [00:45:51] This is something that we have to feel. We have to not just think about it, we have to feel it. Because when you feel it, it makes it real. It causes you to [00:46:00] look around at things a little bit differently than you might have before. My experience in 1968, both in campus protests and demonstrations and being part of antiwar demonstrations and movements. Caused me to change my career approach when I went to law school. I joined the organization called the National Conference of Black Lawyers, and I joined them because their [00:46:30] declaration of commitment was to be the legal arm of the Black Revolutionary Movement. I didn't know where to go. I didn't know what to do. I didn't know what my life was going to become. But I knew that I wanted my life to become a life of meaning. I knew I wanted to have something to do with social justice. I knew I couldn't go back to the world that my parents grew up in. I knew that being a lawyer could be a tool in some ways. And [00:47:00] of course, as a lawyer, I quickly learned the limitations of that tool as well. But I hope, as some young people hear this podcast and many, many others, many, many others, I don't I don't claim to be unique in that respect that they will begin to ask some of the same questions of who am I and where are we going? As I began to ask in 1968 and let me underscore that not just who am I and where am I going, but who [00:47:30] am I and where are we going?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:47:43] That does it for the Chicago seven and eight eight here on Civics 101. Special thanks to the American Bar Association for working with us on this series. If you want a good dramatization of the trial of the Chicago Seven, Nic and I watched the Aaron Sorkin movie of the same name. And although Jeet here will rightfully tell [00:48:00] you that he did indeed ninety's Sorkin ize the series of events behind the trial of the Chicago Seven. It's still a pretty good movie, and it's got Mark Rylance in it, which should be argument enough. This episode was produced by me and McCarthy with help from Nick Capodice. Kristina Phillips is our senior producer. Jackie Fulton is our producer. Rebecca Lovejoy is our executive producer. If you like this episode, please consider leaving us a review on Apple Podcasts or wherever you get your podcasts. It actually means a lot to us and it's how you can tell us what you think. [00:48:30] Music In this episode by Viscid, Lars Eriksson, Ketsa, Ian Luxton, Vincent Vega, Anemoia, Blacktop Banks and Elliot Holmes. You can get transcripts, additional resources in everything else we have ever made at our website civics101podcast.org. Civics 101 is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.

 


 
 

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How Powerful is the President's Veto?

The presidential veto is a powerful tool, but just how powerful it is depends on political context, timing, and party alignment. We'll pull back the curtain on the origin of the veto, how it works, and discuss moments when vetoes have had a real impact on our history. And yes, we'll even find out what the deal is with that pen. 

Our guests are Dr. Gisela Sin of the University of Illinois, and Ken Kato, a former historian at the U.S. House of Representatives. 


TRANSCRIPT

Note: the following transcript was machine generated and may contain errors.

Barack Obama: I am not signing the piece of legislation that came down to me today. I am signing a veto.

Nick Capodice: The President is sometimes referred to as the most powerful person in the world. And just think about the kinds of power they have. They are the commander in chief of the armed forces, for example.

Hannah McCarthy: They have access to the nuclear codes.

Nick Capodice: And what about this? They have the power to block a bill from becoming law. Fun etymological fact: the word veto comes from the Latin for "I forbid."

Hannah McCarthy: Hmm.

Bill Clinton: Congress has sent me the tax bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto.

Hannah McCarthy: This is Civics 101. One, I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice: And I'm Nick Capodice. And today we are talking videos. We're going to take a closer look at the history of vetoes, the process and the different ways the President uses that veto pen to make a political point. But first, let's talk about why the President has veto power in the first place.

Dr. Gisela Sin: So vetoes are an important element of the constitutional design of checks and balances.

Nick Capodice: That is Dr. Gisela Sin. She's associate professor of political science at the University of Illinois.

Hannah McCarthy: And that constitutional design of checks and balances, that is the way the Constitution gives each branch of the government - legislative, executive and judicial - the ability to check the other branches, in other words, to prevent them from collecting too much individual power.

Dr. Gisela Sin: So the veto power is one of those institutions that translates this principle of checks and balances into concrete rules and procedures. First, a proposal can receive a majority in the House and the Senate. And the President consents or receives support from a majority of the House, a majority in the Senate.

Nick Capodice: Now, Congress may still override a veto from the President, even if the President vetoes the law. That's something we'll get to in a minute.

Hannah McCarthy: So basically, the President can check Congress and then Congress can check the President back. But where did the concept of veto originate?

Nick Capodice: It first appeared in the early Roman Republic constitution.

Dr. Gisela Sin: In this Republican Constitution, there were two executive official two consoles, and they were granted the right to veto the actions of each other. And the arrangement was basically designed to curb the exercise of arbitrary authority that had occurred before with the monarchy.

Hannah McCarthy: What does she mean by arbitrary authority?

Nick Capodice: Yeah, that's the way in which monarchs could make unrestricted decisions without consulting the people at all.

Dr. Gisela Sin: And then with time, the plebeians also have representation for themselves in the political institutions of the Roman Republic.

Nick Capodice: Now in Rome, there were also enslaved people who had no political representation. Those who did were known as plebeians. They were considered free commoners.

Dr. Gisela Sin: They were represented by officers that were called tribunes, who were also granted a veto power over the actions of the consuls. And originally, they can only they could only be used to protect the plebeians from injustice and violence.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. So the veto started as a means of checking the arbitrary exercise of political power in ancient Rome. Now. How did it become a part of the American system?

Nick Capodice: Well, the framers of the Constitution were certainly inspired by the historical republics. We've covered that in past episodes, and we've talked about the language of the Constitution and the structure of the democracy. But they were also thinking a lot about their own, much more recent history.

Ken Kato: For the late 18th century. There was the time of the founders. There really was a sense of trying to avoid tyranny.

Nick Capodice: That is Ken Kato, former associate historian of the US House of Representatives. He spoke with Civics one on one in 2017.

Ken Kato: So they created a system of mixed government the one, the few, the many.

Hannah McCarthy: Which is how we ended up with an executive, a leader. That's the one. But then you also got the judiciary, the few, and then the representational democracy of Congress, the many. So if the founders were afraid of tyranny of the kind of authority granted to the king, why did we still end up with a veto?

Nick Capodice: Well, we'll get to the reasons why Presidents utilize their veto authority in just a little bit, but let's go back to their constitutional beginnings. While the veto existed in some form, in some early state constitutions, it was frankly a controversial topic. During the Constitutional Convention, some delegates argued it would give the President too much power, and others argued it was essential to preserving the balance of power between the executive and legislative branches. And ultimately, the delegates reached a compromise. The President would have the power to veto laws, but Congress could override the veto with a two-thirds majority.

Hannah McCarthy: Which is about representing the will of the people. That's what Congress is there for. So if two thirds of them strongly support something, even if the President vetoes it, Congress can still say, no, this is what the people want and it's going to happen.

Nick Capodice: Yeah, it's all about political context and timing, and the veto isn't always as powerful as he might think.

Dr. Gisela Sin: So sometimes the ability to veto legislation gives the President a lot of influence, but other times it gives him little or no influence at all. So as we know, to enact legislation, a simple majority in the House and the Senate is needed and veto override requires two-thirds majority. So if the President does not like a bill, but knows that more than two-thirds of House members and senators are willing to vote for it, then the President's ability to veto legislation is not very useful because, you know, two-thirds will override it. So it gives him no power at all.

Hannah McCarthy: How often does this happen, the veto override?

Nick Capodice: Not very often, because as you and I both know, Hannah, one party doesn't always control both the House and the Senate. And even when they do, there still has to be a lot of bipartisan political consensus on a bill or strong party majority in these chambers to get to that two-thirds vote count. For example, there was only one veto override during Donald Trump's administration, one during the Obama administration, and four during the George W Bush administration. And of course, the President generally knows when the override is likely to happen, based on the consensus around the original passage of the bill.

Hannah McCarthy: Why would the President bother issuing a veto knowing that it will be overridden? Kind of seems like a pointless exercise.

Nick Capodice: Yeah. On the surface it may seem pointless, but there are political points to be made scored by vetoing a bill. The President is sending a strong message to Congress and the American people that they disapprove of the legislation and the veto might also put pressure on individual members of Congress, maybe those in the President's own party, to reconsider their position on the bill. And finally, Hannah, a veto gives the President an opportunity to offer alternatives on a bill. We'll get into veto overrides in more depth later on.

Hannah McCarthy: And can we talk about those vetoes that actually stick?

Dr. Gisela Sin: So the President veto has power when the coalitions that want to do something in Congress commands a majority in both houses, but it is not large enough to get the two-thirds vote.

Nick Capodice: A coalition, by the way, is a group of lawmakers who come together to support a piece of legislation.

Hannah McCarthy: So that's kind of the sweet spot for the President's veto pen when they just get to say no to a bill. And that's that.

Nick Capodice: Yeah, exactly. But don't forget, while the President does have this power to keep bills from becoming law, the veto can't be used to keep members of Congress from debating the bill in the first place. A veto cannot interrupt the normal process of legislation. Now, veto can be used to some extent to score political points like members of Congress can say to their constituents, Hey, this is the law we wanted, but it was the President that kept it from happening. They can even brag about passing a bill, even if it was a bill they knew was going to be dead in the water.

Hannah McCarthy: I could even see a legislator using the threat of a veto or the veto itself to their own political advantage, right?

Nick Capodice: Yeah. If the President has already signaled they're going to veto a bill, it won't stop legislators from debating it on the floor, talking about it with the press, and letting their constituents know that they were trying to serve the people's needs. But the President was getting in the way. It's like members of Congress are saying, look how hard we tried to represent you and look how your President is stopping us. And another thing that determines the power of the veto. This is an old joke. Hannah, ask me, what's the most important element in comedy?

Hannah McCarthy: Nick. What's.

Nick Capodice: The timing? My dad loved that joke.

Dr. Gisela Sin: If the President faces a veto decision at the end of a congressional term, there is not enough time for negotiations. That is at the beginning or at the middle of the term. The President can use his veto to negotiate a bill he likes more, a bill closer to what he wants.

Nick Capodice: For instance, if the President vetoes a bill at the beginning of the term, then Congress has time to go back to the drawing board and come up with legislation that the President might accept. And these are some back and forth negotiations over a bill, you know, the President vetoes and then Congress passes something new to try to get a compromise in the middle.

Dr. Gisela Sin: But at the end of the term, there is not enough time for this bargaining with the additional pressure. Also that at the end of the term, there's always, you know, legislators have to go campaign. And also there's the additional pressure that the next Congress might be different, that the President might also be different, that the priorities might have changed. So at the end of the term, the vetoes are not really a powerful negotiation tool.

Nick Capodice: After the break, we'll discuss the different types of vetoes and times when vetoes have actually been used to strategically shape the laws of the United States, as well as some interesting facts about the veto pen itself.

Hannah McCarthy: Before the break, over the course of every one of these episodes, Nick and I discover a lot of information that ends up on the cutting room floor. Luckily, we have a place to sweep all those cuttings in to tell you about. It is called Extra Credit. It is our newsletter. We also put in updates about the show, things that are going on in the world. It's basically a little glimpse into what we talk about behind the scenes, and it's a way to keep in touch with you. It is a super not-annoying thing to look forward to in your inbox and I warmly recommend that you subscribe. You can do that at civics101podcast.org.

Barack Obama: You know, I haven't used the veto pen very often since I've been in office, partly because legislation that I objected to was typically blocked in the Senate even after the House took over, Republicans took over the House. Now, I suspect there are going to be some times where I've got to pull that pen out.

Hannah McCarthy: This is Civics 101. And today we were talking about the Presidential veto. Just really quick, I've watched coverage of vetoes and legislation signing ceremonies, and everyone seems to be really interested in the pens for some reason. There's always this moment where after the President signs something, he then takes a stack of pens and just hands them out to important people in the room. What is the deal with the pen?

Nick Capodice: What is the deal with the pens? What's the deal with the veto pens? Hannah, absolutely. That is for sure. There's a big deal with the pens. Since the veto power is such a powerful check on the government, the pen itself symbolizes its importance. Pen Vibe, a go-to site for pen and pencil enthusiasts, reports the CEO of Cross Pens presented President Gerald Ford with a desk set of 12 karat gold pens and pencils in the 1970s, and Ford became a fan of that brand of pen. And after that, most Presidents have stuck with that brand from Cross Townsend. The pens, by the way, are produced at a plant in Rhode Island that's been around for more than 170 years now. The Cross Townsend collection that former President George W Bush amassed is on exhibit at the Presidential library. President Bush also utilized official White House sharpies to sign stuff.

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, I've heard that President Donald Trump also like to use the Sharpie. What about the tradition where we see the President using a whole bunch of pens to sign something and then giving the pens away? Is that something that happens with vetoes?

Nick Capodice: Well, here's Ken Kato again. He worked as an historian at the House of Representatives.

Ken Kato: Presidents and members of Congress love to claim credit. Lyndon Johnson was was the master of that. He could sign something with as many as two dozen pens.

Hannah McCarthy: To sign just one thing.

Nick Capodice: Just one thing, one signature, sometimes different pens for different letters of their name. And then they just hand each of those pens over to one of the people in the room who'd been a supporter of whatever they were signing. And it would become a souvenir.

Ken Kato: And you can go on Capitol Hill and go into an office and you'll see a pen framed with a facsimile of the bill that had been signed into law. Vetoes don't usually make that, but they certainly can. And of course, there's the rhetorical one. I will use this pen to veto any legislation you send me.

Nick Capodice: But there are a number of steps that bill has to take before it reaches the President's desk. Whether the President plans to sign it or veto it, whether that pen is going to come out of the drawer at all. For example, the President is not always making the decision to veto on their own. They get advice from elsewhere in the executive branch.

Ken Kato: The Office of Management and Budget in the modern time would review the bill and decide which departments and agencies should have the option of making a recommendation to sign the bill into law or not.

Nick Capodice: The Office of Management and Budget is extremely complicated, but in simplest terms, the OMB evaluates a bill and reports on budget implications, policy points and other issues. The bill might raise ripple effects, if you will, if it were to become law, and then the OMB sends it out to the departments that need to weigh in before making a recommendation as to whether the President should sign it.

Hannah McCarthy: So a President could decide to veto because they don't like a bill. It goes against their goals as President or their ideology. But they could also decide to veto a bill because the OMB says it's not a good idea. Does the President have to explain to the public why they are vetoing a bill?

Ken Kato: The Constitution requires a written justification for not approving the bill.

Nick Capodice: The President's veto statement is a document that formally explains why the President vetoed a bill. And sometimes that statement is written by the OMB or the agency that recommended the veto for policy or budget reasons. And these statements vary in their length and complexity.

Hannah McCarthy: And sometimes the President makes kind of a spectacle of the veto process, right? Like I'm thinking of the times we see the President presenting their rationale for their veto or potential veto on television.

Barack Obama: We can't put the security of families at risk by taking away their health insurance or unraveling the new rules on Wall Street or refighting past battles on immigration. When we've got to fix a broken system and if a bill comes to my desk that tries to do any of these things, I will veto it. It will have earned my veto.

Nick Capodice: Yeah. We don't actually see every veto on TV. The more politically divisive or controversial or high-profile bills, those are the vetoes the President often likes to do in front of a crowd. But the lower profile ones, they just get the statement.

Hannah McCarthy: So what happens next?

Nick Capodice: Well, then the bill goes back to either the Senate or the House, whichever part of Congress it started in. And then the legislators can try to override the veto.

Ken Kato: To override a veto. That would be an attempt to pass the law as they originally passed it. If they really feel strongly about a bill. They will debate it. Vote on it. The Constitution requires two-thirds of each house by the yeas and nays, which means a roll call vote. It has to be recorded.

Hannah McCarthy: And if both the House and the Senate pass it by two-thirds, then it becomes law.

Nick Capodice: Yes, the President can't do anything to stop it.

Hannah McCarthy: Now, what if members of Congress know that they won't get this two-thirds to override the President's veto, but they really want the bill to become law? Does the President get to make suggestions for the bill? Do they get to say, I'll sign it if you do these things.

Nick Capodice: If the bill has already reached the President's desk and been vetoed? Congress basically has to start over.

Ken Kato: Once they start tinkering, then there they have essentially started the legislative process back at square one.

Nick Capodice: So it is essentially a new bill.

Hannah McCarthy: So what is the time frame for how long the President has to veto a bill?

Dr. Gisela Sin: If Congress is in session, the President has ten days to veto legislation. If he does not veto legislation, within ten days, the legislation becomes law.

Nick Capodice: That again, is Professor Gisela Sin from the University of Illinois.

Dr. Gisela Sin: However, if Congress is not in session and the President does not sign the bill, that bill is considered a veto. And that's what we call a pocket veto.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. So a pocket veto is when the President takes no action at all before Congress ends its session. As long as the session has ended within that ten day time frame or has already ended when the bill reaches the President's desk. So, in essence, the President gets the veto without having to go through the veto process at all.

Nick Capodice: Right. The President essentially just lets the clock run out. And again, if ten days pass and Congress is still in session, not including Sundays, yes, that bill becomes law. But if Congress isn't in session after those ten days, it does not become law. This pocket veto is a tool that President James Madison first used in 1812.

Hannah McCarthy: Now I know that bills passed by Congress can often have a lot of stuff in them, right? Like items that have little or nothing to do with the main part of the bill. What happens when one of these huge, weighty bills gets to the President and the President maybe likes parts of it, but not all of it.

Archive: The other was intended to help small farmers, but the way it was written, most of the tax break would have gone to one sugar beet refinery and its major stockholder, Texas multimillionaire Harold Simmons, a Republican donor.

Nick Capodice: For a very short time from 1996 to 1998. The President did have the power to do something called a line item veto, and that allowed them to veto certain sections of a bill passed by Congress.

Archive: President Clinton used his line item veto muscle to knock off three provisions in the new balanced budget.

Dr. Gisela Sin: But they are a type of veto in which the executive can get rid of parts of a bill. So maybe an article, maybe a whole section. And in the most extreme, sometimes it can just get rid of a word. So imagine if it gets rid of a you know, you cannot do that and it gets rid of the "not" and it means you do that.

Hannah McCarthy: It sounds like the most important thing about the line item veto is that everything that doesn't get changed becomes law.

Nick Capodice: Right. Although Congress approved the line item veto. It was struck down by the Supreme Court in 1998 in the case Clinton v City of New York.

Hannah McCarthy: What was the rationale there? Why did the Supreme Court say the line item veto was unconstitutional?

Nick Capodice: Well, the Supreme Court said that line item vetoes violated the pre sentiment clause of the Constitution. That is the clause which says that the President can sign or veto an entire bill but not amend the bill.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. So what happens now with these big bills since line item vetoes are no longer a thing? Do they have to live or die as they are?

Nick Capodice: Yes and yes. These so-called omnibus bills with myriad items have become more and more prevalent and with them has grown this kind of politicking between the White House and Congress, which seems to just be making these bills bigger and bigger.

Dr. Gisela Sin: So lately we have had the omnibus, a lot of omnibus bills where there are a lot of issues inside. And also in many in many bills, what you get is a lot of earmarks and pet projects for different legislators, which are needed, in fact, to gather support for a bill, something that I don't care much about. But it will - okay, if you give me something there, I'll vote for it. And the President, in fact, I mean, many times it says I'm going to veto the bill unless you unless you remove X, Y and Z. But then there's a lot of influence by the President simply because he or she threatens to veto a bill.

Hannah McCarthy: What I'm hearing is that a President can have an impact on legislation long before it reaches their desk for signature.

Dr. Gisela Sin: The veto really forces members of Congress to consider the President's preferences when they write and when they vote on the legislation. So many times legislative outcomes are different because the President's veto power.

Hannah McCarthy: So the veto power means that negotiations happen with the White House before a bill is even voted on by the legislature. But does that mean the President is affecting the work of Congress, especially when they threatened to veto unless Congress does what the President wants?

Nick Capodice: Yeah, you can think of it that way, but you can also think of it as just sort of a way to get stuff done. Because with this two-branch process of passing laws, especially in a politically divided government, when the executive and legislative branches are controlled by different parties, vetoes are likely to happen a lot more frequently. And even when the government isn't divided, it can be difficult because within the same party, political agendas aren't always in alignment. So negotiations are kind of a test where the President and the legislature will ultimately have to agree. So the veto gives the President some influence, but it also gives the legislature a place at the White House bargaining table.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. Can we talk a little bit about some of the most historically significant Presidential vetoes, like the vetoes we remember, because they changed the course of government, maybe?

Ken Kato: Andrew Johnson is probably the father of some of the most important ones. Soon after Lincoln's assassination, Johnson vetoed Republican legislation for civil rights for African-Americans and the Freedmen's Bureau, which was supposed to provide education and welfare support for freed slaves to become full citizens. Johnson's successful veto of this legislation in many ways condemned the United States to another century, where African-Americans were second class citizens.

Hannah McCarthy: Now, how did Johnson justify that?

Nick Capodice: Andrew Johnson, who was a Southern Democrat, essentially said that formerly enslaved black Americans shouldn't get the help that white people in poverty never had, and that it would make them too dependent on the government. And I want to add here that Johnson vetoed this Freedmen's Bureau act not once, but two times. Congress couldn't really rally together to get that two thirds majority to override it. So a few months later, they proposed a more moderate version of the act. Johnson vetoed it again, but this time Congress got the two thirds majority and overrode the veto. That override notwithstanding, this was a pretty clear message to Southern Democrats that Johnson was going to support them and keep pushing against the Freedmen's Bureau, resulting in its eventual abandonment in 1872.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. Well, in that case, clearly, the lawmakers in President Johnson's own party were aligned with him on that particular veto. But the President's ever faced legislators in their party who wouldn't agree with their veto.

Ken Kato: That's what the focus of checks and balances has always been on. Representatives, senators and the President all have, in their own way, different constituents that can create conflict, even if they all belong to the same party.

Hannah McCarthy: What does that conflict within the party look like?

Nick Capodice: Yeah, I have an example. In 2006, President George W Bush ran into this issue.

Archive: President Bush today defended a decision to entrust some of the operation of six U.S. seaports to a company owned by Dubai, one of the United Arab Emirates. The President reacted to growing criticism from lawmakers, including members of his own party.

Ken Kato: A company from Dubai won the contract to be in charge of all the ports on the East Coast. Four House members, many of them Republicans, were up in arms about someone from the Middle East taking control of all our ports, even though Dubai was and is an ally of the U.S. in the war against terror.

George W. Bush: I think it sends a terrible signal to friends around the world that it's okay for a company from one country to manage the port, but not a country that is plays by the rules and has got a good track record from another part of the world. Can't, can't manage the port.

Ken Kato: George W Bush threatened to veto any legislation preventing Dubai from being in charge. He had to give up his veto threat, had to be swallowed because the public opinion and the members of the House were just not going to go along with the President.

Nick Capodice: So sometimes the threat of the veto isn't strong enough to stand up to the might of Congress, but it is still a very powerful tool of the office. It allows the President to have authority over which laws are passed, and it gives the President leverage in negotiations with Congress.

Ken Kato: It's almost inevitable there very few Presidents since the early, early Presidents who haven't vetoed legislation at some time or another. In fact, Franklin Roosevelt was once quoted as saying, "find me a bill to veto because he didn't want to be taken for granted by Congress."

Nick Capodice: One last trivia tidbit, Hannah. Can you guess which former US President's veto pen was busier than any other?

Hannah McCarthy: You have a pretty good guess. It's FDR. It's got to be, right?

Nick Capodice: How many times do you think he did a veto?

Hannah McCarthy: I don't know. Like. Yeah, like 400, 500,

Nick Capodice: 635.

Hannah McCarthy: Whoa. Well, I mean, when you're President for that long, what are you supposed to fill your time with? Right? Veto here. Veto. There.

Hannah McCarthy: This episode was produced by Jacqui Fulton with help from executive producer Rebecca Lavoie. Civics 101 is hosted by me, Hannah McCarthy and Nick Capodice. Christina Phillips is our senior producer. If you were just discovering civics one on one now, welcome. We're glad you're here. And we have a lot more where this comes from. You can follow us on Apple Podcasts, Spotify or wherever you get your podcasts.

Nick Capodice: Music in this episode by Blue Dot Sessions, Anna Moya, Mike Franklin, Max Anson, Faruk, Dex 1200 Bonneville, Peerless and Cirque Nouvelle. Civics 101 is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.


Follow Civics 101 on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

Disinformation and Misinformation

In preparation for the upcoming midterms, we talk about lies. This is the true story of the fake world created in disinformation campaigns. The voting populace spreads it like there's no tomorrow, without ever knowing what's real. We tell you what it is and how to avoid it. Our guests today are Samantha Lai of the Brookings Institute and Peter Adams of the News Literacy Project.

 

 

Transcript

Misinformation and Disinformation: Audio automatically transcribed by Sonix

Misinformation and Disinformation: this mp3 audio file was automatically transcribed by Sonix This transcript may contain errors.

Hannah McCarthy:
I either have a cold or this is a really bad deepfake.

Nick Capodice:
I'm Anna McCarthy.

Hannah McCarthy:
Do you know what genuinely chills me? Maybe I fervently believe something that is not true, and I probably do. I'm probably guilty of that and I don't even know it. Like, what have I defended in my life that is simply false? Or worse, what have I defended that is indefensible? You know, that is a mortifying thought.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, it shakes me to the core when I'm disabused of myths that I believed were true like that people's names got changed at Ellis Island, for.

Hannah McCarthy:
Example, or something, you know, way more serious, like saying there's a human trafficking ring led out of the basement of a pizza place.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, like that.

Hannah McCarthy:
Which we're going to talk a bit about all in good time, because the name of the game today? It's lies.

News archival:
Some of the most brazen acts of voter fraud to date. Sworn affidavit saying people are forging signatures, growing examples and frankly, affidavits of ballot irregularities and outright illegality, tampering allegations to the the dead people voting. We don't know how many votes were stolen on Tuesday night. We don't know anything about the software that many say was rigged. We don't know. We ought to find out.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Civics 101. I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice:
I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
And today we are talking about one of the most insidious and uncontainable obstacles facing any American who wishes to vote their conscience in this year's midterm election. We're talking about misinformation.

Nick Capodice:
And just to be crystal clear, because sometimes I feel like the word misinformation actually sort of skirts the truth of the matter. Misinformation is false information, like you said, lies.

Hannah McCarthy:
Okay. I did use the word lies. And honestly, that was a little misinformation, because in truth, doesn't a lie imply intention?

Nick Capodice:
Yes, a lie implies an active choice. There is an intent to mislead somebody else.

Hannah McCarthy:
So misinformation is actually a little bit different.

Samantha Lai:
I'm going to take a second to just set up some definitions. So I'm going to use both misinformation and disinformation during these podcasts.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Samantha.

Samantha Lai:
My full name is Samantha Lai L-A-I. I am a research analyst at the Brookings Institution Center for Technology Innovation.

Nick Capodice:
Okay. And I've heard the term disinformation, but I've always pretty much equated the two misinformation and disinformation as being kind of the same thing.

Samantha Lai:
These are slightly different terms. So misinformation refers to false information that people might promote or spread, not intentionally to deceive someone, because often a lot of us might see things on the Internet and think that it's real. But turns out it's not disinformation. However, people who spread it often spread it intentionally to deceive people. So that's the key difference between these two terms.

Nick Capodice:
So disinformation is the lie part of the information chain, correct.

Hannah McCarthy:
And probably the bad actor part, especially when it comes to elections. Disinformation is the purposefully misleading statement or claim that is conjured up and shared in order to make people believe something other than the truth, and often to make them believe it fervently. So when that has to do with an election, the end goal tends to be to influence the election's outcome.

Nick Capodice:
Okay. And then misinformation is when other people encounter that disinformation lie and spread it around thinking it's actually real.

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah, believe it's real or think that maybe it has some credence to it or, you know, it sort of smacks of truth. That is the simple, ugly way that it works.

Samantha Lai:
There are a couple of kinds of disinformation that bad actors can post to confuse or discourage voters. So one approach would be to spread false information on voting dates and polling locations. So, for example, during the 2020 elections, a tweet on Super Tuesday targeted supporters of Kentucky candidate Matt Bevin and said inaccurately, Bevin supporters don't forget to vote on Wednesday, November sith, which is the day after the election.

Nick Capodice:
And that wasn't a mistake.

Hannah McCarthy:
Nope.

Nick Capodice:
And I'll take it that tweet wasn't from the people who wanted Bevin elected.

Hannah McCarthy:
You take it correctly. This tactic comes in many forms. It's subtle tweaking a single piece of information, often in a way that seems helpful in an attempt to keep people away from the polls. Sometimes it's Hey, text this number to vote by text. You text that number. Your vote you probably get your vote has been submitted. Good for you. Text back. Easy. It's done. Now, I want to make very clear right here, right now that there is not a state in the nation that permits voting by text. This is not real. You may also see news that you know Candidate X has dropped out of the election last minute. Oh, what a shame. Or Candidate Y has already won. There's no need to vote. All of it is made up, all of it designed to keep you from voting.

Samantha Lai:
Another approach here in terms of messaging is intimidation, which often primarily targets historically marginalized groups. So this includes threats of people bringing guns to the polls or law enforcement presence at polling places. So, for example, before the 2018 elections, ICE had to publicly refute rumors on social media that they would be conducting enforcement operations at polling places. We also have messaging, exploiting common doubts, particularly among black and Latino voters, on the efficacy of the political process. So this can include messages on how the system doesn't work for you, your vote doesn't matter, and other attempts to just disenfranchise voters of color. And this echoes interference strategies deployed in 2016 by the Kremlin backed Internet Research Agency, who disproportionately targeted African Americans during their interference in the 2016 US presidential elections.

Nick Capodice:
I feel like you covered this in our episode on election security. There's a difference between how messed up the system actually is and how messed up bad actors want you to believe the system is.

Hannah McCarthy:
And like Samantha said, for many people or groups, this type of disinformation is specifically designed to play on totally legitimate and experience based fears and concerns.

Samantha Lai:
Because you have to have some doubt in order to be convinced. Like, if I looked at you and was like, Did you know that the sky is actually green? You would simply say No, because you can verify with your own eyes. That is not the case. Misinformation. The reason why is what makes it so effective. It's because it exploits people's common doubts and common fears. For example, looking at misinformation, targeting historically marginalized groups, why is it so effective and why is it so devastating? And why is that a civil rights concern? Because historically marginalized groups have been historically disenfranchised, and there are a lot of narratives that also carry some grain of truth in it, in sense of their underrepresentation.

Nick Capodice:
In other words, disinformation aimed at discouraging groups who already feel discouraged by voting.

Hannah McCarthy:
Exactly. Voters who are in seemingly gerrymandered districts, or for whom it is difficult to obtain an ID or to get time off work or to even make it to their polling place. Or, you know, people who have to stand in absurdly long lines. These are chronic real obstacles, and bad actors will exploit this sense that those voters have of being disenfranchised disinformation will say, You know what, you're right and it's worse than you think. Why don't you just stay home?

Samantha Lai:
We see right now that there is a heightened level of distrust towards our government, towards news agencies. There's a lot of resentment and polarization where you have people turning to alternative news sources, not trusting mainstream news sources that allows misinformation and disinformation to thrive because of a lot of fears and uncertainties people have about how what is actually going on.

Nick Capodice:
It's so insidious, Hannah, this idea that you might be targeted with disinformation that carries a grain of truth, and then that little grain of truth is rooted in historic disenfranchisement, right?

Hannah McCarthy:
Among groups of color groups who might have barriers to physically accessing the polls. Now, I want to introduce someone here. This is Peter Adams.

Peter Adams:
You can introduce me as the either the head of research and design at NLP or the senior Vice President of Research and Design.

Nick Capodice:
NLP?

Hannah McCarthy:
The News Literacy Project, which is a company entirely dedicated to teaching people how to separate fact from fiction. So those people who already feel underserved by the system, they are going to be increasingly vulnerable as we near Election Day.

Peter Adams:
Someone telling you that your vote is going to be changed or lost or subverted if you vote by mail. I've got some particularly pernicious rumor because it winds up disenfranchising people who maybe can't vote that day decide not to vote by mail, or they think they're going to vote on Election Day and they don't make it to the polls. There are also rumors that localized rumors like the lines are impossibly long at this polling place when they're not, you know, just view all that with a grain of salt. There are bad actors out there who will try to dissuade people from voting, targeting certain districts that tend to vote one way or another, and trying to dissuade people in that district from even turning out in the first place by circulating rumors. So just don't take election information from social media and, you know, do your very best to vote on Election Day, I think is sound advice.

Nick Capodice:
All right. That is sound advice. And I want to talk about social media in a minute here, Hannah, but what about the other kind of lie? Like not the lie designed to further disenfranchise marginalized groups, but the lie designed to stoke a different kind of fear and anger?

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah, well, let's start with a major fear and major anger. One that plays on the deepest sense of good and evil. In 2016, just before the presidential election, a conspiracy theory made its way around social media, claiming that several people high up in the Democratic Party were running a human trafficking ring out of several restaurants. One of these was a pizzeria called Comet Ping Pong.

Peter Adams:
There are lots of stories about people losing loved ones to QAnon beliefs that are entirely baseless. But I think the incidents like the one in Cincinnati or at Comet Ping Pong back in 2016, I think the pizzeria in Washington are tragic and alarming and good reminders that even though they're not exceedingly common, that this kind of stuff is very serious and it can result in people taking real action. Edgar Welch, who went to the pizzeria based on QAnon falsehoods. Right. Thinking that there was something nefarious happening in the basement there, when in fact, there's no basement in the building, you know, brought a rifle shot at once and figured out there was no basement and surrendered. It was much more tragic in Cincinnati. Right. But this person took action at an FBI office based on something they believe about the recent raid on Mar a Lago.

News archival:
A deadly end to a standoff in Clinton County. This story started hours earlier at 915. And Sycamore Township police say a man tried to break into the FBI building.

Peter Adams:
You know, again, I think these are reminders of how serious it can be, but we shouldn't lose sight of the everyday impact on ordinary folks who sort of fall down rabbit holes with the best of intentions, looking for answers, trying to interpret complex realities. But they fall for four simplified narratives. Conspiracy theories are very attractive because they give people kind of a good, bad version of the world as complicated as they can be. They're very simple at their base.

Nick Capodice:
That is an interesting point, because conspiracy theories can be wildly complicated. In this case, it wasn't just a nonexistent trafficking ring in a nonexistent basement of a pizza joint. It was a Hillary Clinton run trafficking ring. So what the theory did was take the person who many people politically and socially disagreed with and made that person pure, unadulterated evil. Disagreeing is nuanced. It's how we do politics. Condemning evil is not.

Peter Adams:
They're very simple at their base, right? There are bad people trying to just, you know, dupe everyone and subvert our democracy is basically the the storyline of QAnon. And it's attractive to think that that things are that simple and that there is some enemy cabal that you could that you could just root out. But the reality is much messier.

Nick Capodice:
So what about other examples of conspiracy theories like a stolen election, or even the idea of a poll worker tampering with ballots or widespread voter fraud?

Hannah McCarthy:
These are still examples of conspiracies born of disinformation, which is then followed by the spreading of misinformation. And a lot of them involve being unhappy with election results and or not understanding how elections work. Lo and behold, the simple answer is provided to you on a silver platter the disinformation that vindicates you and gives an appealing explanation for why things seem a certain way.

Peter Adams:
I think, you know, the biggest concern is just just misperceptions about fraud or mis-recognized things that are totally normal parts of of elections being perceived as fraud, because people have now been primed to believe that fraud is common when it's not.

News archival:
Just make sure your vote gets counted. Make sure. Because the only way we're going to lose this election is if the election is rigged.

Peter Adams:
Remember that they are primed to believe it's easier to pull off than it is, and it has an impact on election workers. It has an impact on people who might be designated agents, who deliver ballots to boxes from, say, nursing homes, who might be confronted by people who have decided they're going to monitor those boxes for anyone dropping more than one ballot.

Hannah McCarthy:
And Peter says you also have to consider the motivation of the bad actor, the person at the top of the disinformation to misinformation pipeline.

Peter Adams:
Of all the allegations of improprieties. None of them were really borne out by evidence, you know, case by case by case, especially in I mean, again, these tended to cluster in swing states, right? So number one, that was an attempt to to sort of move electoral votes in key places. There's zero evidence at the end of the day that there was any kind of significant voter fraud that could come anywhere close to changing the outcome in any given state, much less the election overall. All the audits that have taken place, all of the reviews, all of the accusations have all come to naught. And the evidence is just not there and evidence matters.

Hannah McCarthy:
And all of this accusations of tampering, of destruction, of ballots, of devious poll workers, etc., Peter says it's coming for us again in 2022.

Peter Adams:
You know, most experts who are looking at election disinformation believe that we're just going to see a lot of the same narratives get pushed because they've now taken root almost as conventional wisdom among among some folks. And so they're still very effective.

Nick Capodice:
Alright. So we've got bad actors with appealing ideas running rampant, and you're telling me it only gets worse around an election? So what are we supposed to do? What are we supposed to look for? How do we separate the lies from the truth?

Hannah McCarthy:
That's coming up after the break.

Nick Capodice:
But first, we cannot tell a lie. We need you know, really, we do civics. One on one is public radio. It's yours, it's your radio. And we're sustained by the public, which is you if you have some spare change and a willing heart. Head on over to Civics one one podcast at npr.org and click the donate button to contribute to the show or just click the link in the show notes. It doesn't just keep us going. It tells us you're out there and this show means something to you.

Hannah McCarthy:
We're back. This is Civics 101. And we're talking disinformation and misinformation.

Nick Capodice:
Which, as Samantha Lai told us earlier, disinformation is the lie purposefully spread by a bad actor who's trying to interfere with things. And misinformation is what we call other people spreading that lie, often believing it's true or thinking, Huh, this sounds like it could be true. One is an evil act. The other is relatively innocent.

Hannah McCarthy:
A lot of this, Nick, it is, of course, going down on social media. Speaking of Samantha, here she is again.

Samantha Lai:
Social media is a wild, wild west. So even really drawing the line, sometimes it's really hard. Like maybe the first person who posted this intended for this to be disinformation and the other people spreading it are misinformed and they don't intend to deceive people, but they very genuinely believe that this is the case. So it's a little bit of both. In a lot of cases, it's often kind of hard to be completely clear about how it happens, but both can be damaging and hurtful and could mislead people into making certain decisions or not showing up on the right day to vote. And that's a problem.

Hannah McCarthy:
And here's Peter Adams from the News Literacy Project.

Peter Adams:
Again, influencers will take individual incidents or make a claim, and that will spread down to their followers, obviously. And those followers then look for that. Right. So if you're following somebody with who's massively influential on social media and they say this is happening at polling places, you may go to polling places and look for that, but also people who provide that at the grassroots level and share it, those are filtering up and having an influence on the influencers. So it's not just a top down influencer to people on the ground dynamic, it's also folks in polling places all across the country creating videos that are then filtering up and forming these sort of false evidence collages, if you will, on the part of influencers who then strengthen their their false claims and convictions.

Nick Capodice:
So there's a whole ecosystem of sustaining and growing the lies, like a little garden.

Hannah McCarthy:
And the kind of lie you run into, it has all to do with what corner of the internet you inhabit. For example, I am a certain type of millennial, so I am on Instagram, and Instagram has figured out that I will engage with content involving East and South Asian cooking, running and moody bodies of water during the fall.

Nick Capodice:
What?

Hannah McCarthy:
So I get a lot of information specific to say dumpling recipes, running posture and where to camp in New England. So it feels like I am an expert on that niche. But in actual fact, I have no idea whether these people are cooks, running experts or have ever been camping. I think I know a lot because I consume their content, but what's the source of that information?

Samantha Lai:
There are a lot of people who sometimes believe certain things because they're like, Oh, I've seen this on social media 20 times, 30 times. It's not just one thing and that's another problem altogether with just the information ecosystem at large where you can be very solidly convinced or because of the way social media algorithms work, they give you what you generally want to see, that you end up seeing a lot of the same content. So you might end up doing as much research as you would for buying a new computer. And as far as you're concerned, you're doing a lot of research. But if you're stuck in a certain corner of the Internet, that experience can be very, very different from someone else.

Nick Capodice:
And then you, Hannah, rather innocently, might go out and tell people how to make their dumplings and run around and where to find the best lakes. But it could literally be the worst advice ever.

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah, and I've actually I've probably done that honestly. The same goes for election information, except in that case it is far, far more likely to be purposeful disinformation that you are consuming because so many people stand to gain from influencing who votes and who gets elected.

News archival:
Welcome to the Washington Week Extra.

News archival:
I'm Robert Costa. The role of social media in the 2020 election has come under scrutiny as bipartisan voices have sought to address the spread of disinformation on their platforms. Democratic.

Hannah McCarthy:
And that disinformation will seek you out based on what the social media platform knows about you. It's all about that algorithm.

Samantha Lai:
These algorithms collect a lot of data about your online activity, your browsing activity, purchasing history, location data, how long you spend on everything. So in terms of micro-targeting, when someone like a campaign or even like a commercial actor sets up an ad campaign, you can choose certain things that you can target someone with. So for example, zip code, gender, so on and so forth.

Hannah McCarthy:
Peter reminded me, as obvious as it may seem, what social media is, it is a by and large free platform that monetizes engagement designed to get instant reaction, as in, Hey, oh, cool running tip. I'll take that and I'll share that. And then instant scrolling done with that tip onto the next see the stuff you like engage go scroll for more stuff you like like engage, scroll like engage, scroll a little fraud here, a little ballot stuffing there.

Nick Capodice:
You know what they say, Hannah. If something's free, you're the product.

Peter Adams:
That's their business model. It's what they do. But it can be sort of invisible, right? We can sort of lose track of of. How that all works. And it's tempting to like and share recklessly or too quickly. And it's also easy to think, well, this is just a tap on a screen, right? It's a like it's a share. I'm not, you know, and I think a lot of people share things that they're they're sort of thinking, I'm not sure if this is true or not, but, you know, whatever, it's interesting. It might be true. The downstream effect of that two, three, four layers out you share with someone who shares with someone and they take action based on something that's false, you know, can can have a real impact.

News archival:
Good morning, Robin. This case shows how fake news can lead to a dangerous situation. Edgar Welch, 28, of Salisbury, North Carolina, has been arrested and charged with assault with a dangerous weapon. And police say that Welch told them that he showed up at the D.C. pizza restaurant to get to the bottom of what appears to be an utterly bogus story about child abuse promoted on the Internet. How scary was the situation? He allegedly pointed the gun in the direction of an employee and fired the weapon inside the restaurant.

Nick Capodice:
Now I'm thinking, too, Hannah, about the disinformation that looks and sounds real, like a step beyond the clickbait meme or headline, the picture or the video of something happening. That kind of thing must be harder to be skeptical about.

Peter Adams:
We're all sort of evolutionarily hardwired to believe our senses, to believe what we see in here. It can be hard to resist that that allure, especially if you're inclined to to believe that or you want to believe it already. You know, video based evidence or photographic evidence that feels compelling and feels convincing often may not be, especially when it's from a user generated source.

Hannah McCarthy:
Sometimes it's a real doctored image or video with a misleading caption. Sometimes it is a little more than that.

Samantha Lai:
Deepfakes, which use artificial intelligence technology or even just basic video editing like any thing to like make images or videos of fake events that haven't actually happened with politicians faces like put on them. And you can see how that would cause that would enable the spread of fake information.

Tom Cruise Deep Fake:
I'm going to show you some magic. It's the real thing. I mean, it's all the real thing.

News archival:
It looked a lot like Tom Cruise, but it was not. Tom Cruise, he's not in that video in any way. It's what's called a deepfake.

Hannah McCarthy:
And it doesn't stop at deepfakes. There are the bots.

Samantha Lai:
Bots and trolls. So bots are automated and trolls are real users and they can just generally be used to spread fake news about candidates or election details.

Hannah McCarthy:
There's the geofencing.

Nick Capodice:
What's geofencing.

Samantha Lai:
So how this works is that when a mobile device enters or exits a virtual boundary set up around a geographic location, that information will be collected. So if you have physically won in and out of a place and it has, there's like a virtual boundary set, they will know that you have been there. So that technology was used for the 2020 elections by a private company called Catholic Vote, which set up this boundary around a church to target churchgoers with pro-Trump messaging.

Hannah McCarthy:
Oh, yeah. And then there's every other way people can influence you.

Samantha Lai:
There are TV networks, there is radio, there are podcasts on Spotify, depending on the social groups people are in, depending on their personal experiences and the communities they live in. All of this interacts together in a perfect storm, which is why it's incredibly difficult to disassemble in some ways, even in a perfect world where we can suddenly take down all COVID related misinformation, for example, from the Internet, just like press a magic button, get rid of all of it. There are still going to be anti-vaxxers. They're still going to people who might not believe that COVID is real because of who they are. So really, all of this is not just a question of social media content regulation. It's also about people and the way we think, which is what makes this both so worrying and so fascinating.

Nick Capodice:
All right, Hannah, you have thoroughly flooded this episode with your information campaign.

Hannah McCarthy:
That's my job.

Nick Capodice:
Now give me the antidote. What are we supposed to do about misinformation and disinformation.

Samantha Lai:
In terms of on a personal level, what you can do? I think to inoculate yourself against myths and disinformation is to first keep in mind that confirmation bias is a thing. We're all people. We have opinions. We are all vulnerable to thinking certain ways, especially if we see certain information that aligns with our worldviews. So it's like whenever you see something online that you're like, Oh my gosh, like before spreading it. Take a second. Take a look. Google it. See if any other reputable news source has reported on it. If it's a one off tweet or if it's a meme, make sure to double check and see who else is talking about this. And you can kind of tell from who else is talking about this and who else is reporting on this, what's going on there? Another useful part, especially in the context of voting, is always relying on official information on government websites as to details of where you're going to vote, what's open, what's closed, what are the hours? Don't rely on someone else's information. Always make sure to go back to the source and always recognize that every source has a motive to convince you of something.

Hannah McCarthy:
Which I'll acknowledge is more work. It is more work than scrolling and liking and sharing and consuming exactly what you're fed. Which is why I appreciate Peter's take on this. His whole thing is, hey, people are actively trying to take away your right. So isn't it worth putting in a little more work?

Peter Adams:
Don't let someone sort of hijack your civic voice by misinforming you and misinforming you. You know, no one wants to be misled. No one wants to hold false beliefs. And I think we all have to be more vigilant than ever on those fronts, because there are more ways for people to to try to manipulate us than ever before.

Hannah McCarthy:
And I should mention the whole point of the company that Peter works for, the News Literacy Project, is to make free resources for people who want to sift out the truth from the lies and just know the truth, especially leading up to the election. We're going to put a link to that in the show notes and on our website. Civics one one podcast dot org so you can prepare ye.

Nick Capodice:
I feel like there's an elephant in the room here, Hanna.

Hannah McCarthy:
Can we make it like a nonpolitical animal?

Nick Capodice:
I feel there's a right whale here in the room, Hanna.

Hannah McCarthy:
Let's talk about it.

Nick Capodice:
Disinformation, misinformation, social media targeting, geo fencing. Now, it sounds like these are effective vaccines we can all access. But what about just eradicating the disease itself?

Samantha Lai:
Because there are no data privacy laws. Anything and everything you do on the Internet can be collected. And there are data brokers who are buying massive amounts of information about your address, your online activity, your purchasing history. Every everything. It's out there.

Hannah McCarthy:
On June 21st, 2022, the Data Privacy Act was introduced in Congress. Now, this bill doesn't say no more lies on the Internet, everybody. Because. Yeah, right. But if passed, it would limit the way businesses can use your information, allow you to opt in or opt out, revise or delete collected information, among other things.

Nick Capodice:
And then how does our government in practice actually help to stop election lies?

Samantha Lai:
There are a couple of government agencies dedicated to combating dissent, misinformation. Most of this was pretty recent. There is the US Department of State's Global Engagement Center that proactively monitors and addresses foreign adversaries, disinformation attempts. The Department of Homeland Security's Cyber and Infrastructure Security Agency during the last 2020 election cycle did invaluable work protecting America's election infrastructure and finding ways to centralize information and make sure to keep tabs on what kind of rumors and misinformation is going on. Earlier this year, there was a creation of the very short lived Disinformation Governance Board whose work was put on hold after a public backlash. We have Congress that's also working hard on bills to combat social media, algorithms, amplification of fake news, taking, for example, the Banning Micro-targeting Political Ads Act, the Social Media Nudge Act calls to reform Section 230. A lot of these are still in progress because there's a lot of bipartisan disagreement over the definitions of disinformation and who should be the one to say what is and is not disinformation. So that's another can of worms altogether. But there is work being done.

Hannah McCarthy:
So the agencies are being created. Nonprofits are addressing the problem. The public is constantly being warned about disinformation from those who are fighting the good fight. There are conversations happening about how to handle this and misinformation. What I find really interesting about all of this, Nick, is that these disinformation campaigns wouldn't work unless people really cared about these issues, really cared about politics, really cared about elections. And that's the tricky thing, because from where I stand, getting people to care can be half the battle. I don't see it as a bad thing that people care.

Peter Adams:
People want to share important things with friends and family. So elections are important. Politics are, you know, very polarized right now. People are hyper engaged and paying a lot of attention to to these these races and their hometowns. And it's good for people to want to be civically engaged. But, you know, again, have to be really careful that, you know, civic engagement only works if we have a common set of facts. And, you know, civic engagement is really driven authentically by accurate information so that everybody can can make authentic civic decisions for themselves, for their family members and for their community.

Nick Capodice:
There might not be a lot that all of America agrees on right now. But but deep down, I think I can safely say we are all Holden Caulfield when it comes to being lied to. Nobody likes a no good phony or wants to be one for that matter.

Hannah McCarthy:
Fortunately, the truth is out there, but it probably isn't on Instagram or TikTok. Tiktok is too much for me. I've accepted slow descent into the out of Tech Touch three and I'm fine with it. Has it occurred to you, Nick, that there are social media platforms out there that neither of us even know exist?

Nick Capodice:
This may be the only time I'm going to say this on the show, Hannah, but sometimes ignorance is bliss.

Hannah McCarthy:
This episode was produced by me, Hannah McCarthy with help from Nick Capodice. Our senior producer is Christina Phillips. Our producer is Jacqui Fulton. Rebecca Lavoie is our executive producer. A very special thanks to Retro Report, who has been partnering with us throughout this mid-term series. We're working together on a Teach the Midterms webinar coming up on Wednesday, September 14th. You can check that out and register at Retroreport.org Music in this episode by Anemoia, Spring Gang, Nul Tiel Records, HoliznaCo, Kirk Osemayo, Metre and Martin Clem. You can get the transcript for this episode and listen to, well, everything else we have ever made at Civics101podcast.org Civics 101 is a production of HPR New Hampshire Public Radio.

Nick Capodice:
The story where the call was coming from your own house.

Hannah McCarthy:
That's never I mean, like, it's never really. Oh, actually, there was this one time I was on AIM, AOL Instant Messenger and my friend made up a fake screen name and pretended that she was someone who was seeing me inside.

News archival:
Oh, that's.

Hannah McCarthy:
The computer room.

Nick Capodice:
I don't have that. That's too creepy. Let me think. What else chills you to the bone?

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This transcript was created using a combination of an automated transcription service and human editors. There may be slight discrepancies between the audio and the text.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:01] I either have a cold or this is a really bad deepfake.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:00:05] I'm Anna McCarthy.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:10] Do you know what genuinely chills me? Maybe I fervently believe something that is not true, and I probably do. I'm probably guilty of that and I don't even know it. Like, what have I defended in my life that is simply false? Or worse, what have I defended that is indefensible? [00:00:30] You know, that is a mortifying thought.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:00:33] Yeah, it shakes me to the core when I'm disabused of myths that I believed were true like that people's names got changed at Ellis Island, for.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:41] Example, or something, you know, way more serious, like saying there's a human trafficking ring led out of the basement of a pizza place.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:00:50] Yeah, like that.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:51] Which we're going to talk a bit about all in good time, because the name of the game today? It's lies.

 

News archival: [00:01:02] Some [00:01:00] of the most brazen acts of voter fraud to date. Sworn affidavit saying people are forging signatures, growing examples and frankly, affidavits of ballot irregularities and outright illegality, tampering allegations to the the dead people voting. We don't know how many votes were stolen on Tuesday night. We don't know anything about the software that many say was rigged. We don't know. We ought to find out.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:28] This is Civics 101. I'm Hannah McCarthy. [00:01:30]

 

Nick Capodice: [00:01:30] I'm Nick Capodice.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:31] And today we are talking about one of the most insidious and uncontainable obstacles facing any American who wishes to vote their conscience in this year's midterm election. We're talking about misinformation.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:01:44] And just to be crystal clear, because sometimes I feel like the word misinformation actually sort of skirts the truth of the matter. Misinformation is false information, like you said, lies.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:58] Okay. I did use the word lies. [00:02:00] And honestly, that was a little misinformation, because in truth, doesn't a lie imply intention?

 

Nick Capodice: [00:02:09] Yes, a lie implies an active choice. There is an intent to mislead somebody else.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:15] So misinformation is actually a little bit different.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:02:19] I'm going to take a second to just set up some definitions. So I'm going to use both misinformation and disinformation during these podcasts.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:26] This is Samantha.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:02:27] My full name is Samantha Lai L-A-I. I [00:02:30] am a research analyst at the Brookings Institution Center for Technology Innovation.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:02:36] Okay. And I've heard the term disinformation, but I've always pretty much equated the two misinformation and disinformation as being kind of the same thing.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:02:44] These are slightly different terms. So misinformation refers to false information that people might promote or spread, not intentionally to deceive someone, because often a lot of us might see things on the Internet and think that it's real. But turns out it's not disinformation. [00:03:00] However, people who spread it often spread it intentionally to deceive people. So that's the key difference between these two terms.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:03:06] So disinformation is the lie part of the information chain, correct.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:12] And probably the bad actor part, especially when it comes to elections. Disinformation is the purposefully misleading statement or claim that is conjured up and shared in order to make people believe something other than the truth, and often to make them believe it [00:03:30] fervently. So when that has to do with an election, the end goal tends to be to influence the election's outcome.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:03:37] Okay. And then misinformation is when other people encounter that disinformation lie and spread it around thinking it's actually real.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:45] Yeah, believe it's real or think that maybe it has some credence to it or, you know, it sort of smacks of truth. That is the simple, ugly way that it works.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:03:57] There are a couple of kinds of disinformation that bad actors [00:04:00] can post to confuse or discourage voters. So one approach would be to spread false information on voting dates and polling locations. So, for example, during the 2020 elections, a tweet on Super Tuesday targeted supporters of Kentucky candidate Matt Bevin and said inaccurately, Bevin supporters don't forget to vote on Wednesday, November sith, which is the day after the election.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:24] And that wasn't a mistake.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:25] Nope.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:25] And I'll take it that tweet wasn't from the people who wanted Bevin elected.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:30] You [00:04:30] take it correctly. This tactic comes in many forms. It's subtle tweaking a single piece of information, often in a way that seems helpful in an attempt to keep people away from the polls. Sometimes it's Hey, text this number to vote by text. You text that number. Your vote you probably get your vote has been submitted. Good for you. Text back. Easy. It's done. Now, I want to make very clear right here, right now that there is not a state in the nation [00:05:00] that permits voting by text. This is not real. You may also see news that you know Candidate X has dropped out of the election last minute. Oh, what a shame. Or Candidate Y has already won. There's no need to vote. All of it is made up, all of it designed to keep you from voting.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:05:16] Another approach here in terms of messaging is intimidation, which often primarily targets historically marginalized groups. So this includes threats of people bringing guns to the polls or law enforcement presence [00:05:30] at polling places. So, for example, before the 2018 elections, ICE had to publicly refute rumors on social media that they would be conducting enforcement operations at polling places. We also have messaging, exploiting common doubts, particularly among black and Latino voters, on the efficacy of the political process. So this can include messages on how the system doesn't work for you, your vote doesn't matter, and other attempts to just disenfranchise voters of color. And this echoes interference strategies deployed in 2016 [00:06:00] by the Kremlin backed Internet Research Agency, who disproportionately targeted African Americans during their interference in the 2016 US presidential elections.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:06:09] I feel like you covered this in our episode on election security. There's a difference between how messed up the system actually is and how messed up bad actors want you to believe the system is.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:20] And like Samantha said, for many people or groups, this type of disinformation is specifically designed to play on totally legitimate [00:06:30] and experience based fears and concerns.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:06:33] Because you have to have some doubt in order to be convinced. Like, if I looked at you and was like, Did you know that the sky is actually green? You would simply say No, because you can verify with your own eyes. That is not the case. Misinformation. The reason why is what makes it so effective. It's because it exploits people's common doubts and common fears. For example, looking at misinformation, targeting historically marginalized groups, why is it so effective and why is it so devastating? And why is that a civil [00:07:00] rights concern? Because historically marginalized groups have been historically disenfranchised, and there are a lot of narratives that also carry some grain of truth in it, in sense of their underrepresentation.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:07:09] In other words, disinformation aimed at discouraging groups who already feel discouraged by voting.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:14] Exactly. Voters who are in seemingly gerrymandered districts, or for whom it is difficult to obtain an ID or to get time off work or to even make it to their polling place. Or, you know, people who have to stand in absurdly [00:07:30] long lines. These are chronic real obstacles, and bad actors will exploit this sense that those voters have of being disenfranchised disinformation will say, You know what, you're right and it's worse than you think. Why don't you just stay home?

 

Samantha Lai: [00:07:48] We see right now that there is a heightened level of distrust towards our government, towards news agencies. There's a lot of resentment and polarization where you have people turning to alternative news sources, not trusting mainstream [00:08:00] news sources that allows misinformation and disinformation to thrive because of a lot of fears and uncertainties people have about how what is actually going on.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:08:09] It's so insidious, Hannah, this idea that you might be targeted with disinformation that carries a grain of truth, and then that little grain of truth is rooted in historic disenfranchisement, right?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:22] Among groups of color groups who might have barriers to physically accessing the polls. Now, I want to introduce someone here. This [00:08:30] is Peter Adams.

 

Peter Adams: [00:08:30] You can introduce me as the either the head of research and design at NLP or the senior Vice President of Research and Design.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:08:39] NLP?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:40] The News Literacy Project, which is a company entirely dedicated to teaching people how to separate fact from fiction. So those people who already feel underserved by the system, they are going to be increasingly vulnerable as we near Election Day.

 

Peter Adams: [00:08:58] Someone telling you that your vote is [00:09:00] going to be changed or lost or subverted if you vote by mail. I've got some particularly pernicious rumor because it winds up disenfranchising people who maybe can't vote that day decide not to vote by mail, or they think they're going to vote on Election Day and they don't make it to the polls. There are also rumors that localized rumors like the lines are impossibly long at this polling place when they're not, you know, just view all that with a grain of salt. There are bad actors out there who will try to dissuade people from voting, targeting certain [00:09:30] districts that tend to vote one way or another, and trying to dissuade people in that district from even turning out in the first place by circulating rumors. So just don't take election information from social media and, you know, do your very best to vote on Election Day, I think is sound advice.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:09:47] All right. That is sound advice. And I want to talk about social media in a minute here, Hannah, but what about the other kind of lie? Like not the lie designed to further disenfranchise marginalized groups, but the lie designed [00:10:00] to stoke a different kind of fear and anger?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:02] Yeah, well, let's start with a major fear and major anger. One that plays on the deepest sense of good and evil. In 2016, just before the presidential election, a conspiracy theory made its way around social media, claiming that several people high up in the Democratic Party were running a human trafficking ring out of several restaurants. One of these was a pizzeria called Comet Ping Pong.

 

Peter Adams: [00:10:30] There [00:10:30] are lots of stories about people losing loved ones to QAnon beliefs that are entirely baseless. But I think the incidents like the one in Cincinnati or at Comet Ping Pong back in 2016, I think the pizzeria in Washington are tragic and alarming and good reminders that even though they're not exceedingly common, that this kind of stuff is very serious and it can result in people taking real action. Edgar [00:11:00] Welch, who went to the pizzeria based on QAnon falsehoods. Right. Thinking that there was something nefarious happening in the basement there, when in fact, there's no basement in the building, you know, brought a rifle shot at once and figured out there was no basement and surrendered. It was much more tragic in Cincinnati. Right. But this person took action at an FBI office based on something they believe about the recent raid on Mar a Lago.

 

News archival: [00:11:25] A deadly end to a standoff in Clinton County. This story started hours earlier at [00:11:30] 915. And Sycamore Township police say a man tried to break into the FBI building.

 

Peter Adams: [00:11:35] You know, again, I think these are reminders of how serious it can be, but we shouldn't lose sight of the everyday impact on ordinary folks who sort of fall down rabbit holes with the best of intentions, looking for answers, trying to interpret complex realities. But they fall for four simplified narratives. Conspiracy theories are very attractive because they give people kind of a good, bad version of the world as complicated as they can be. They're very simple at their base. [00:12:00]

 

Nick Capodice: [00:12:00] That is an interesting point, because conspiracy theories can be wildly complicated. In this case, it wasn't just a nonexistent trafficking ring in a nonexistent basement of a pizza joint. It was a Hillary Clinton run trafficking ring. So what the theory did was take the person who many people politically and socially disagreed with and made that person pure, unadulterated evil. Disagreeing is nuanced. It's how we do politics. [00:12:30] Condemning evil is not.

 

Peter Adams: [00:12:33] They're very simple at their base, right? There are bad people trying to just, you know, dupe everyone and subvert our democracy is basically the the storyline of QAnon. And it's attractive to think that that things are that simple and that there is some enemy cabal that you could that you could just root out. But the reality is much messier.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:12:51] So what about other examples of conspiracy theories like a stolen election, or even the idea of a poll worker tampering with ballots [00:13:00] or widespread voter fraud?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:13:02] These are still examples of conspiracies born of disinformation, which is then followed by the spreading of misinformation. And a lot of them involve being unhappy with election results and or not understanding how elections work. Lo and behold, the simple answer is provided to you on a silver platter the disinformation that vindicates you and gives an appealing explanation for why things seem a [00:13:30] certain way.

 

Peter Adams: [00:13:31] I think, you know, the biggest concern is just just misperceptions about fraud or mis-recognized things that are totally normal parts of of elections being perceived as fraud, because people have now been primed to believe that fraud is common when it's not.

 

News archival: [00:13:47] Just make sure your vote gets counted. Make sure. Because the only way we're going to lose this election is if the election is rigged.

 

Peter Adams: [00:13:56] Remember that they are primed to believe it's easier to [00:14:00] pull off than it is, and it has an impact on election workers. It has an impact on people who might be designated agents, who deliver ballots to boxes from, say, nursing homes, who might be confronted by people who have decided they're going to monitor those boxes for anyone dropping more than one ballot.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:14:19] And Peter says you also have to consider the motivation of the bad actor, the person at the top of the disinformation to misinformation pipeline.

 

Peter Adams: [00:14:28] Of all the allegations [00:14:30] of improprieties. None of them were really borne out by evidence, you know, case by case by case, especially in I mean, again, these tended to cluster in swing states, right? So number one, that was an attempt to to sort of move electoral votes in key places. There's zero evidence at the end of the day that there was any kind of significant voter fraud that could come anywhere close to changing the outcome in any given state, much less the election overall. All [00:15:00] the audits that have taken place, all of the reviews, all of the accusations have all come to naught. And the evidence is just not there and evidence matters.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:13] And all of this accusations of tampering, of destruction, of ballots, of devious poll workers, etc., Peter says it's coming for us again in 2022.

 

Peter Adams: [00:15:25] You know, most experts who are looking at election disinformation believe that we're just going [00:15:30] to see a lot of the same narratives get pushed because they've now taken root almost as conventional wisdom among among some folks. And so they're still very effective.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:41] Alright. So we've got bad actors with appealing ideas running rampant, and you're telling me it only gets worse around an election? So what are we supposed to do? What are we supposed to look for? How do we separate the lies from the truth?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:55] That's coming up after the break.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:58] But first, we cannot tell a lie. [00:16:00] We need you know, really, we do civics. One on one is public radio. It's yours, it's your radio. And we're sustained by the public, which is you if you have some spare change and a willing heart. Head on over to Civics one one podcast at npr.org and click the donate button to contribute to the show or just click the link in the show notes. It doesn't just keep us going. It tells us you're out there and this show means something to you.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:28] We're back. This is Civics [00:16:30] 101. And we're talking disinformation and misinformation.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:16:33] Which, as Samantha Lai told us earlier, disinformation is the lie purposefully spread by a bad actor who's trying to interfere with things. And misinformation is what we call other people spreading that lie, often believing it's true or thinking, Huh, this sounds like it could be true. One is an evil act. The other is relatively innocent.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:55] A lot of this, Nick, it is, of course, going down on social media. Speaking [00:17:00] of Samantha, here she is again.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:17:02] Social media is a wild, wild west. So even really drawing the line, sometimes it's really hard. Like maybe the first person who posted this intended for this to be disinformation and the other people spreading it are misinformed and they don't intend to deceive people, but they very genuinely believe that this is the case. So it's a little bit of both. In a lot of cases, it's often kind of hard to be completely clear about how it happens, but both can be damaging and hurtful [00:17:30] and could mislead people into making certain decisions or not showing up on the right day to vote. And that's a problem.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:37] And here's Peter Adams from the News Literacy Project.

 

Peter Adams: [00:17:40] Again, influencers will take individual incidents or make a claim, and that will spread down to their followers, obviously. And those followers then look for that. Right. So if you're following somebody with who's massively influential on social media and they say this is happening at polling places, you may go to polling places and look for that, but also people [00:18:00] who provide that at the grassroots level and share it, those are filtering up and having an influence on the influencers. So it's not just a top down influencer to people on the ground dynamic, it's also folks in polling places all across the country creating videos that are then filtering up and forming these sort of false evidence collages, if you will, on the part of influencers who then strengthen their their false claims and convictions.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:18:27] So there's a whole ecosystem of sustaining and [00:18:30] growing the lies, like a little garden.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:31] And the kind of lie you run into, it has all to do with what corner of the internet you inhabit. For example, I am a certain type of millennial, so I am on Instagram, and Instagram has figured out that I will engage with content involving East and South Asian cooking, running and moody bodies of water during the fall.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:18:55] What?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:56] So I get a lot of information specific to say dumpling recipes, [00:19:00] running posture and where to camp in New England. So it feels like I am an expert on that niche. But in actual fact, I have no idea whether these people are cooks, running experts or have ever been camping. I think I know a lot because I consume their content, but what's the source of that information?

 

Samantha Lai: [00:19:20] There are a lot of people who sometimes believe certain things because they're like, Oh, I've seen this on social media 20 times, 30 times. It's not just one thing and that's another problem altogether [00:19:30] with just the information ecosystem at large where you can be very solidly convinced or because of the way social media algorithms work, they give you what you generally want to see, that you end up seeing a lot of the same content. So you might end up doing as much research as you would for buying a new computer. And as far as you're concerned, you're doing a lot of research. But if you're stuck in a certain corner of the Internet, that experience can be very, very different from someone else.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:19:57] And then you, Hannah, rather innocently, [00:20:00] might go out and tell people how to make their dumplings and run around and where to find the best lakes. But it could literally be the worst advice ever.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:20:07] Yeah, and I've actually I've probably done that honestly. The same goes for election information, except in that case it is far, far more likely to be purposeful disinformation that you are consuming because so many people stand to gain from influencing who votes and who gets elected.

 

News archival: [00:20:29] Welcome [00:20:30] to the Washington Week Extra.

 

News archival: [00:20:31] I'm Robert Costa. The role of social media in the 2020 election has come under scrutiny as bipartisan voices have sought to address the spread of disinformation on their platforms. Democratic.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:20:42] And that disinformation will seek you out based on what the social media platform knows about you. It's all about that algorithm.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:20:51] These algorithms collect a lot of data about your online activity, your browsing activity, purchasing history, location data, how long you [00:21:00] spend on everything. So in terms of micro-targeting, when someone like a campaign or even like a commercial actor sets up an ad campaign, you can choose certain things that you can target someone with. So for example, zip code, gender, so on and so forth.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:17] Peter reminded me, as obvious as it may seem, what social media is, it is a by and large free platform that monetizes engagement designed to [00:21:30] get instant reaction, as in, Hey, oh, cool running tip. I'll take that and I'll share that. And then instant scrolling done with that tip onto the next see the stuff you like engage go scroll for more stuff you like like engage, scroll like engage, scroll a little fraud here, a little ballot stuffing there.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:21:51] You know what they say, Hannah. If something's free, you're the product.

 

Peter Adams: [00:21:59] That's [00:22:00] their business model. It's what they do. But it can be sort of invisible, right? We can sort of lose track of of. How that all works. And it's tempting to like and share recklessly or too quickly. And it's also easy to think, well, this is just a tap on a screen, right? It's a like it's a share. I'm not, you know, and I think a lot of people share things that they're they're sort of thinking, I'm not sure if this is true or not, but, you know, whatever, it's interesting. It might be true. The downstream effect of that two, three, four layers out you share [00:22:30] with someone who shares with someone and they take action based on something that's false, you know, can can have a real impact.

 

News archival: [00:22:36] Good morning, Robin. This case shows how fake news can lead to a dangerous situation. Edgar Welch, 28, of Salisbury, North Carolina, has been arrested and charged with assault with a dangerous weapon. And police say that Welch told them that he showed up at the D.C. pizza restaurant to get to the bottom of what appears to be an utterly bogus story about child abuse promoted on the Internet. How scary was the situation? He allegedly pointed the gun in the direction of [00:23:00] an employee and fired the weapon inside the restaurant.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:23:08] Now I'm thinking, too, Hannah, about the disinformation that looks and sounds real, like a step beyond the clickbait meme or headline, the picture or the video of something happening. That kind of thing must be harder to be skeptical about.

 

Peter Adams: [00:23:26] We're all sort of evolutionarily hardwired to believe our senses, [00:23:30] to believe what we see in here. It can be hard to resist that that allure, especially if you're inclined to to believe that or you want to believe it already. You know, video based evidence or photographic evidence that feels compelling and feels convincing often may not be, especially when it's from a user generated source.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:23:49] Sometimes it's a real doctored image or video with a misleading caption. Sometimes it is a little more than that.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:23:57] Deepfakes, which use artificial intelligence technology [00:24:00] or even just basic video editing like any thing to like make images or videos of fake events that haven't actually happened with politicians faces like put on them. And you can see how that would cause that would enable the spread of fake information.

 

Tom Cruise Deep Fake: [00:24:14] I'm going to show you some magic. It's the real thing. I mean, it's all the real thing.

 

News archival: [00:24:31] It [00:24:30] looked a lot like Tom Cruise, but it was not. Tom Cruise, he's not in that video in any way. It's what's called a deepfake.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:24:39] And it doesn't stop at deepfakes. There are the bots.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:24:42] Bots and trolls. So bots are automated and trolls are real users and they can just generally be used to spread fake news about candidates or election details.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:24:51] There's the geofencing.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:24:53] What's geofencing.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:24:54] So how this works is that when a mobile device enters or exits a virtual boundary [00:25:00] set up around a geographic location, that information will be collected. So if you have physically won in and out of a place and it has, there's like a virtual boundary set, they will know that you have been there. So that technology was used for the 2020 elections by a private company called Catholic Vote, which set up this boundary around a church to target churchgoers with pro-Trump messaging.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:25:23] Oh, yeah. And then there's every other way people can influence you.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:25:28] There are TV networks, [00:25:30] there is radio, there are podcasts on Spotify, depending on the social groups people are in, depending on their personal experiences and the communities they live in. All of this interacts together in a perfect storm, which is why it's incredibly difficult to disassemble in some ways, even in a perfect world where we can suddenly take down all COVID related misinformation, for example, from the Internet, just like press a magic button, get rid of all of it. There are still going to be anti-vaxxers. [00:26:00] They're still going to people who might not believe that COVID is real because of who they are. So really, all of this is not just a question of social media content regulation. It's also about people and the way we think, which is what makes this both so worrying and so fascinating.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:26:23] All right, Hannah, you have thoroughly flooded this episode with your information campaign.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:26:27] That's my job.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:26:28] Now give [00:26:30] me the antidote. What are we supposed to do about misinformation and disinformation.

 

Samantha Lai: [00:26:35] In terms of on a personal level, what you can do? I think to inoculate yourself against myths and disinformation is to first keep in mind that confirmation bias is a thing. We're all people. We have opinions. We are all vulnerable to thinking certain ways, especially if we see certain information that aligns with our worldviews. So it's like whenever you see something online that you're like, Oh my gosh, like before spreading it. Take [00:27:00] a second. Take a look. Google it. See if any other reputable news source has reported on it. If it's a one off tweet or if it's a meme, make sure to double check and see who else is talking about this. And you can kind of tell from who else is talking about this and who else is reporting on this, what's going on there? Another useful part, especially in the context of voting, is always relying on official information on government websites as to details of where you're going to vote, what's [00:27:30] open, what's closed, what are the hours? Don't rely on someone else's information. Always make sure to go back to the source and always recognize that every source has a motive to convince you of something.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:27:42] Which I'll acknowledge is more work. It is more work than scrolling and liking and sharing and consuming exactly what you're fed. Which is why I appreciate Peter's take on this. His whole thing is, hey, [00:28:00] people are actively trying to take away your right. So isn't it worth putting in a little more work?

 

Peter Adams: [00:28:07] Don't let someone sort of hijack your civic voice by misinforming you and misinforming you. You know, no one wants to be misled. No one wants to hold false beliefs. And I think we all have to be more vigilant than ever on those fronts, because there are more ways for people to to try to manipulate us than ever before.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:28:27] And I should mention the whole point of the company that Peter works for, [00:28:30] the News Literacy Project, is to make free resources for people who want to sift out the truth from the lies and just know the truth, especially leading up to the election. We're going to put a link to that in the show notes and on our website. Civics one one podcast dot org so you can prepare ye.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:28:47] I feel like there's an elephant in the room here, Hanna.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:28:49] Can we make it like a nonpolitical animal?

 

Nick Capodice: [00:28:51] I feel there's a right whale here in the room, Hanna.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:28:54] Let's talk about it.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:28:56] Disinformation, misinformation, social media targeting, geo fencing. [00:29:00] Now, it sounds like these are effective vaccines we can all access. But what about just eradicating the disease itself?

 

Samantha Lai: [00:29:09] Because there are no data privacy laws. Anything and everything you do on the Internet can be collected. And there are data brokers who are buying massive amounts of information about your address, your online activity, your purchasing history. Every everything. It's out there.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:29:29] On June [00:29:30] 21st, 2022, the Data Privacy Act was introduced in Congress. Now, this bill doesn't say no more lies on the Internet, everybody. Because. Yeah, right. But if passed, it would limit the way businesses can use your information, allow you to opt in or opt out, revise or delete collected information, among other things.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:29:53] And then how does our government in practice actually help to stop election lies?

 

Samantha Lai: [00:29:57] There are a couple of government agencies dedicated [00:30:00] to combating dissent, misinformation. Most of this was pretty recent. There is the US Department of State's Global Engagement Center that proactively monitors and addresses foreign adversaries, disinformation attempts. The Department of Homeland Security's Cyber and Infrastructure Security Agency during the last 2020 election cycle did invaluable work protecting America's election infrastructure and finding ways to centralize information and make sure to keep tabs on what kind of rumors and misinformation is going on. Earlier [00:30:30] this year, there was a creation of the very short lived Disinformation Governance Board whose work was put on hold after a public backlash. We have Congress that's also working hard on bills to combat social media, algorithms, amplification of fake news, taking, for example, the Banning Micro-targeting Political Ads Act, the Social Media Nudge Act calls to reform Section 230. A lot of these are still in progress because there's a lot of bipartisan disagreement over the definitions of disinformation and who should be the one to say what [00:31:00] is and is not disinformation. So that's another can of worms altogether. But there is work being done.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:31:14] So the agencies are being created. Nonprofits are addressing the problem. The public is constantly being warned about disinformation from those who are fighting the good fight. There are conversations happening about how to handle this and misinformation. [00:31:30] What I find really interesting about all of this, Nick, is that these disinformation campaigns wouldn't work unless people really cared about these issues, really cared about politics, really cared about elections. And that's the tricky thing, because from where I stand, getting people to care can be half the battle. I don't see it as a bad thing that people care.

 

Peter Adams: [00:31:56] People want to share important things with friends [00:32:00] and family. So elections are important. Politics are, you know, very polarized right now. People are hyper engaged and paying a lot of attention to to these these races and their hometowns. And it's good for people to want to be civically engaged. But, you know, again, have to be really careful that, you know, civic engagement only works if we have a common set of facts. And, you know, civic engagement is really driven authentically by accurate information so that everybody can can make authentic [00:32:30] civic decisions for themselves, for their family members and for their community.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:32:42] There might not be a lot that all of America agrees on right now. But but deep down, I think I can safely say we are all Holden Caulfield when it comes to being lied to. Nobody likes a no good phony or wants to be one for that matter.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:32:58] Fortunately, the [00:33:00] truth is out there, but it probably isn't on Instagram or TikTok. Tiktok is too much for me. I've accepted slow descent into the out of Tech Touch three and I'm fine with it. Has it occurred to you, Nick, that there are social media platforms out there that neither of us even know exist?

 

Nick Capodice: [00:33:17] This may be the only time I'm going to say this on the show, Hannah, but sometimes ignorance is bliss.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:33:41] This [00:33:30] episode was produced by me, Hannah McCarthy with help from Nick Capodice. Our senior producer is Christina Phillips. Our producer is Jacqui Fulton. Rebecca Lavoie is our executive producer. A very special thanks to Retro Report, who has been partnering with us throughout this mid-term series. We're working together on a Teach the Midterms webinar coming up on Wednesday, September [00:34:00] 14th. You can check that out and register at Retroreport.org Music in this episode by Anemoia, Spring Gang, Nul Tiel Records, HoliznaCo, Kirk Osemayo, Metre and Martin Clem. You can get the transcript for this episode and listen to, well, everything else we have ever made at Civics101podcast.org Civics 101 is a production of HPR New Hampshire Public Radio.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:34:24] The story where the call was coming from your own house.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:34:28] That's never I mean, like, it's [00:34:30] never really. Oh, actually, there was this one time I was on AIM, AOL Instant Messenger and my friend made up a fake screen name and pretended that she was someone who was seeing me inside.

 

News archival: [00:34:43] Oh, that's.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:34:44] The computer room.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:34:46] I don't have that. That's too creepy. Let me think. What else chills you to the bone?

 


 
 

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This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

What's The Difference Between The House & The Senate?

The House and the Senate have mostly the same powers: they both propose and vote on bills that may become law. So why does the House have 435 members, and the Senate have 100? Why does legislation have to pass through both sides, and what kinds of power do each have individually? And finally: what role do you, as a voter, play in ensuring that Congress, and your Congressional delegation, is working in your best interests?

This episode features the opinions of former staffers from both chambers, Andrew Wilson and Justin LeBlanc,  former member of the CA assembly, Cheryl Cook-Kallio, CNN political analyst, Bakari Sellers, and the inimitable political science professor from Farleigh Dickinson, Dan Cassino.

Click here for a graphic organizer for students to take notes upon while listening.

Click here for a three part media-based lesson about exploring the differences between the House and the Senate. Students will present their findings in a 1-3 minute video.


Transcript:

Audio clip: Mr. President. Without objection, Mr. President, I call it my amendment per the order. The clerk will report the amendment. The Senator from Vermont.

Hannah McCarthy: What is going on? Why are you making me listen to this?

Nick Capodice: Okay. This is from a YouTube video from 2009 and it's called Senate Chaos. Senator Bernie Sanders from Vermont. He's just proposed an amendment to a health care bill and it's usually happens. He asked the amendment be considered as read since senators usually get these bills [00:00:30] in amendments in advance, there's no need to read them aloud.

Audio clip: ...objection object.

Nick Capodice: All right. Right there. Senator Tom Coburn from Oklahoma objects.

Audio clip: The table of contents of this act is as follows.

Nick Capodice: So the clerk has to read the whole thing. And it's 767 pages. All right. Listen to this.

Audio clip: And had the courage to change from green to red or red to green. How is that possible, Mr. Speaker?

Hannah McCarthy: Woah, [00:01:00] what is going on?

Nick Capodice: What is going on? Hannah is the House of Representatives. Such a magical place.

Audio clip: Is another form of inquiry. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Smith, the Speaker General...(chaos)  [00:01:30]

Nick Capodice: Welcome to Civics 101. I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice: And we are continuing our series on the upcoming midterm elections today, something many Americans are going to see on their ballot. And a question I've wanted to ask since day one at this show, what is the difference between the House and the Senate? They mostly have the exact same powers, with a few exceptions, which we're going to talk about. But they both propose bills that might become laws. Bills can start in either [00:02:00] the House or the Senate, but they have to be passed by both houses before they go to the president to be signed into law. And while the presidential election tends to crowd out the attention for all those other elected officials on the ballot, the midterms are where the race for control of Congress shines, where expensive national political ads are replaced by local, homegrown ads of people running for a seat in the House of Representatives or the Senate for the right to represent your interests. You right there sitting down, listening to this, in the [00:02:30] branch of government that proposes our laws. Now, of course, it's not just about the individuals in the office. It's about the balance of power. Something that could change drastically this November 2022.

Hannah McCarthy: And when you say balance of power, you mean which party has the most people in Congress?

Nick Capodice: Right. And the party with the most people has the most power, has greater control, not only over which bills [00:03:00] are proposed, but also in leadership. And right now, the balance of power is tenuous.

Dan Cassino: The House of Representatives is expected to come very close.

Nick Capodice: Here is Civics 101's very own personal Steve Martin, as he's been on the show more than anybody else. Dan Cassino, political science professor at Fairleigh Dickinson University.

Dan Cassino: In 2022, the odds that your vote for the House of Representatives are going to matter are way bigger than they've been in any recent election. Generally, when the president's party loses seats in the midterm, this [00:03:30] is called surge and decline, and it's a pretty complicated phenomenon. We don't have to get into here. But the surge in decline pattern means that the president's party in this case, the Democrats, are expected to lose seats in the upcoming election. Now, the Democrats have only a narrow margin in the House of Representatives. If they were to lose the expected number of seats in the 2022 midterms, the Republicans would control the House by a margin of somewhere between ten and 15 seats.

Hannah McCarthy: What about the Senate?

Nick Capodice: The Senate is split almost completely down the middle right now, 50 Republicans, 48 Democrats [00:04:00] and two independents who have aligned Democratic and the Democratic vice president, Kamala Harris, as the tiebreaker.

Hannah McCarthy: That is a tight margin.

Nick Capodice: Yeah.

Hannah McCarthy: Now, knowing that, I'm curious how these two parts of Congress, the Senate and the House are different and what kind of power my own senators and representative have.

Nick Capodice: To really understand their key differences. We need to go back through the annals of history.

Hannah McCarthy: Please don't do this.

Nick Capodice: Oh why it appears we're at the Old City [00:04:30] Tavern in Philadelphia in 1787.

Hannah McCarthy: Please. Nick, please.

Nick Capodice: Why, is that James Madison over there? The sage of Montpelier??

Audio clip: We only have a Congress. Yes, but ours will be different. Since our plan expands the powers of Congress, we will check that power. Yeah. By dividing it into two houses, an upper house and a lower house.

Hannah McCarthy: And what is that from?

Nick Capodice: You've never seen A More Perfect Union? The bread [00:05:00] and butter of the eighth grade social studies class. Okay, fine. Forget it. Scrap it. But what I'm trying to get at is that during the debates, the great debates of the Constitutional Convention, there was this huge question of representation who should make our laws? How many people should the big states have more power because they've got a bigger population? Or should all states have equal representation? And to make a long story short, we have ended up with both. We have a two House government, a bicameral [00:05:30] legislature. The names can be kind of tricky, though. So here is teacher and former California state assembly member Cheryl Cook-Kallio.

Cheryl Cook-Kallio: And so Congress is technically both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Members of the lower house, The House of Representatives have always been addressed as Congressmembers and members of the Upper House have been addressed as senator.

Hannah McCarthy: So a senator is technically a congressperson, but you would never call them that?

Nick Capodice: Yeah, no. And the Senate is technically one of the houses [00:06:00] of Congress. But when we say the House, we mean the House of Representatives.

Hannah McCarthy: I am glad we got that out of the way. I have always wondered.

Cheryl Cook-Kallio: The framers created a two House legislature in order to make sure that the needs of the people as well as the states were addressed.

Nick Capodice: Length of term is a major thing that differentiates the House. In the Senate.

Cheryl Cook-Kallio: The House of Representatives, the length of term is shorter. It's every two years. It's a more frantic place. It takes on a sense of urgency. The Senate, on the other hand, is [00:06:30] up every six years.

Hannah McCarthy: So in the current midterms, about a third of those Senate seats are up for reelection, whereas you vote for new representatives every two years.

Nick Capodice: Exactly. The next key difference is the number of members. Our current House has 435 members apportioned by state population. So, for example, California has 53 congresspeople, while we in the small state of New Hampshire have two. But every state gets two senators, no matter the population size.

Dan Cassino: The [00:07:00] founders were trying to give the public some power, trying to have some element of democracy. The problem is they didn't trust the people as far as they could throw them. They even called democracy mob-ocracy because they didn't like the idea of the people actually running anything. The reason we have the House of Representatives is to give the people a voice, but to make sure that voice can't actually do anything. The house is supposed to be representative of the people, but as far as the founders are concerned, the people of the United States were kind of like the people [00:07:30] of Springfield in The Simpsons

Audio clip: Monorail, Monorail, MONORAIL!

Dan Cassino: They're ready to jump on any bandwagon with pitchforks and torches and protest against anything. And we've seen this repeatedly throughout American history. In the early 19th century, we had the first major third party in American politics, the anti Masonic Party, a party devoted entirely to a conspiracy theory that Masons were murdering people in upstate New York, dumping the bodies. Then methodically oriented police and judges were covering the whole thing up.

Hannah McCarthy: That was their social [00:08:00] platform, not liking the Freemasons.

Audio clip: (Masonic singing "So voteth theeeee!")

Dan Cassino: To me that seems a little ridiculous. Except those folks, the Anti-Masonic Party won a bunch of seats in statehouses and even won a bunch of seats in House of Representatives. So why does it matter? Well, the founders saw this. They thought this would happen. So what they did was they made sure the House couldn't really do anything. The House representatives subject to the whims of the people. So if the anti-masonic party's really popular for two years, guess what? [00:08:30] They can take some seats in the House, but if they took every seat that was up for them in the Senate, they could never control more than a third of the Senate. The House is there to represent the whims of the people. The Senate is there to make sure that the people can't actually get anything done. Now, that's inefficient, of course, but that's exactly the way the founders set things up. The people can pass whatever they want in the house and it'll die in the Senate.

Nick Capodice: Now, it may seem like Dan is saying the Senate is, I don't know, superior in some way or another. But I do want to add the House [00:09:00] does get some bills out there.

Dan Cassino: So depending how you want to run the numbers you get right now, about 4% of bills in the most recent session of Congress have been turned into laws. So overall, you're looking at about 16,000 bills and resolutions that get proposed. And this most recent Congress, we've had about 550 of them actually turned into laws. Now, that's because we're using a relatively open view of what it means to become a law. If we actually drill down on that, it's actually closer to about 1%. The reason [00:09:30] for that difference is that in the modern era of Congress, most bills that get passed actually get passed by being pushed into other bills. So the most recent example we have of that in 2022 is the what Democrats were calling the Inflation Reduction Act. This is a big omnibus bill. And what that means is they took about 30 other bills that they were trying to pass, that they couldn't get passed and just smushed it all into one big bill. And nobody quite knew what exactly was in the bill. But the leadership said they'd read it and the staff read it. So we're cool with that [00:10:00] and they passed that. So that's a whole bunch of other bills that we can consider as being passed because they were pushed into this larger omnibus bill. Now we talk about laws passed. Yeah, something like the Inflation Reduction Act is the thing we think about. Yes, this is a big bill. This is an important bill that's actually not very representative of what most bills are. And so that number of 4% or about 550 600 bills getting passed is really over representing what actually is going on in Congress.

Nick Capodice: And most of them are pretty [00:10:30] uncontroversial bills.

Hannah McCarthy: So like naming a holiday or something like that.

Dan Cassino: So to give an example, the same month that you got the Inflation Reduction Act, we also got Reece's law, which is a law that would require the Consumer Product Safety Commission to put labels on button batteries to make it harder for children to open them. Well, okay. I mean, not the most important thing that the history of the republic, but. Okay, my personal favorite is H.R. 1444. And this is a bill I'm going to give full title to designate the facility. The United States [00:11:00] Postal Service located 132 North Loudon Street, Suite one in Winchester, Virginia, as the Patsy Cline Post Office.

Audio clip: How about giving yourself a little applause there!

Dan Cassino: These are the sort of bills that actually get passed. And we say 600 bills get passed. Most of those are telling people to make coins and naming post offices. We simply don't do a whole lot.

Hannah McCarthy: I want to know what they think of each other. Does the House have, like, an inferiority complex?

Nick Capodice: Well, let's see what they have to say for themselves. So I got a former Senate [00:11:30] staffer, Justin LeBlanc.

Justin LeBlanc: We jokingly often refer to to the House and the Senate with reference to what the British Parliament calls them, and that is obviously the House of Commons and the House of Lords.

Nick Capodice: And a former House staffer, Andy Wilson.

Andy Wilson: Despite the House and the Senate being co-equal branches of government, there's very much a feeling of the Senate is sort of the upper chamber.

Hannah McCarthy: Wait, are they co-equal?

Nick Capodice: They are. But that doesn't stop the sense that one of them is more formal, [00:12:00] a little more hoity toity, if you will.

Justin LeBlanc: It's more dignified, etc.. So there's sort of a different feeling about even the Senate side of the Capitol complex versus the House side.

Nick Capodice: Justin and Andy have both left Congress since. Justin is now the founder and president of Lobby Wise, and Andy works for a PR firm in New York City.

Andy Wilson: Well, I'm a House guy, so I quite enjoyed the the free flowing nature of the House. Other members, other people that might have worked in the Senate might might feel more proud [00:12:30] of having sort of that stately Senate vibe. But I like the House.

Hannah McCarthy: I think it might be a House gal.

Nick Capodice: It sounds a little more fun, doesn't it? Yeah. I want to make it clear, Andy and Justin, we're in no way throwing shade towards each others chambers, but there is some good natured ribbing that goes on.

Hannah McCarthy: So I've got a good feel for their differences due to size and term length. But what are the specific differences in their powers?

Nick Capodice: Here's what Justin said about that.

Justin LeBlanc: I think the most significant difference between the Senate and the House [00:13:00] really comes down to two things. While they both have to pass legislation and they have to pass the identical legislation in each chamber before it can go to the president for signature only the Senate has the constitutional responsibility and authority to advise and consent the White House on treaties. And so any treaty agreed to by the White House has to be approved by the United States Senate. The House does not have such similar authority.

Nick Capodice: And not just treaties, but the Senate confirms all [00:13:30] presidential appointments, cabinet secretaries.

Hannah McCarthy: Like Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, etc..

Nick Capodice: Yeah, and ambassadors, and the big one, Supreme Court justices.

Hannah McCarthy: Which is a pretty big deal, especially recently.

Nick Capodice: Right. Four of our nine current justices were appointed in the last five years.

Justin LeBlanc: And then on the flip side, all appropriations measures, that is all measures that fund the federal government. Those bills must begin in the House. The Senate does not have the authority to initiate an appropriations process.

Nick Capodice: This [00:14:00] has a fun name, by the way. It's called the Power of the Purse. The framers wanted the House, the voice of the people, to be dominant when it comes to how we tax and spend money. The Senate cannot make money bills. But besides money, there's also impeachment powers. Here's Cheryl Cook-Kallio again

Cheryl Cook-Kallio: Again, the other specific job the House of Representatives have is that any articles of impeachment for any elected federal official goes through the House of Representatives if they are passed in the House of [00:14:30] Representatives, the trial is held in the Senate. That's a specific job of each House.

Hannah McCarthy: If you had told me in 2018, when we first did a series on the midterms, that in a mere four years our Supreme Court would look so different and we would have had two impeachments. I probably would not have believed you.

Nick Capodice: Yeah, I wouldn't have believed myself Hannah. You know, there is another big difference between the House and the Senate, and it has to do with voting and power.

Andy Wilson: In the House. [00:15:00] It's majority rule. So in order to pass a piece of legislation in the House, it's 50% of the votes plus one. So if you know, if the Republicans have a 20 seat majority, they can basically do whatever they want.

Audio clip: Bending the rules and passing H.R. 3109 if ordered. This is a 15 minute vote.

Andy Wilson: Whereas in the Senate, people might be familiar with the filibuster, which frequently requires 60 votes for something to pass. You know, 60% of the of the Senate has to agree [00:15:30] for something to be passed, which requires a great deal of consensus, a great deal of coalition building. Even when a party is in the majority, they may not have enough to pass that 60 vote threshold. And so you have to work with the opposing party, or at least some members of the opposing party.

Nick Capodice: So in my mind's eye, the Senate is sort of like a buttoned up dinner party with scallops wrapped in bacon and a string quartet in the background. Whereas the House is more like the big party you throw where too many people show up and nobody goes home till four [00:16:00] in the morning.

Dan Cassino: The House of Representatives has 435 voting members. Now, the problem is that that so many people that you're never able to wrangle all of them, if you let everybody talk, they're never going to shut up. If there's one thing politicians love, it's the sound of their own voice. So as a result, the House of Representatives is incredibly tightly controlled. Everything that happens in the House of Representatives first has to go through. It's called the Rules Committee Committee. That doesn't even exist in the Senate.

Hannah McCarthy: What. 

Nick Capodice: I know they don't even have a Rules Committee!

Dan Cassino: And [00:16:30] the Rules Committee is going to side for any bill that comes out of committee if that bill is going to make it to the floor or not, what terms that bill will be argued under and how much debate you're going to have. Now we say how much debate you might be thinking two senators or two representatives come up and debate and talk back and forth. But that never actually happens outside of Hollywood. In the House of Representatives the most common rule we get is what's called a closed rule, meaning there's going to be no amendments allowed whatsoever and they're going to allow somewhere around 15 minutes of debate. So you get 15 minutes of Republicans [00:17:00] talking about the bill, 15 minutes of Democrats talking about the bill, and then you're going to have an up or down vote on the bill and that's all you're going to get. Because if they actually allowed amendments, you have all these radicals from both sides there. Nothing is ever going to happen. They've basically given up on trying to build consensus in the House of Representatives, House of Representatives is all about mobilizing your party in ramming through whatever you can. And the Speaker of the House, because that becomes enormously powerful. If the Speaker of the House doesn't like a bill, that bill is dead. [00:17:30]

Nick Capodice: Failure to act on a bill is the equivalent of killing a bill. So the Speaker of the House can just refuse to allow any bill to come to the floor so it'll never be voted on. And that's unless you do this thing called a discharge petition, but that's got to be in another episode.

Hannah McCarthy: So thinking about midterm elections, if your party has the majority in the House, it's not just that you have an advantage when voting for legislation, right? Your party also holds the speaker's seat and that means your party has more control over [00:18:00] what bills even make it to the floor.

Nick Capodice: Exactly.

Hannah McCarthy: So how does power work in the Senate?

Dan Cassino: The biggest difference between the House and the Senate is the way that the modern structure of the Senate really empowers individual senators. So you're in the Senate, there's 100 people, and if it's a normal bill that's been filibustered, so you have to get to cloture. The important person to be is the 60th voter.

Nick Capodice: Basically, in order to stop a filibuster, you have to have 3/5 of the Senate vote on it. That's 60 members.

Dan Cassino: You [00:18:30] don't get any prize from me in the 59th vote or because only 59 supporters. Well, the bill's not going get passed. You don't get any prize for being the 68th supporter because they don't need you. They need exactly 60. So the question becomes, who is that 60th vote? Or in the case of one of the rare bills that's not subject to the filibuster, who is the 50th voter, for.

Nick Capodice: Example, confirmations cannot be filibustered. And that Inflation Reduction Act, that was considered a bill that couldn't be filibustered because that's what's called an appropriations bill. It has to do with [00:19:00] the budget. To learn more about that, listen to our episode on the Senate Parliamentarian.

Dan Cassino: And that 50th voter gets whatever they want. And this is what everyone's fighting to be. You want to be that 50th or that 60th supporter. You want to be the pivotal voter, especially in a Senate that's divided as closely as the current Senate. There are lots of potential pivotal voters, and because of that, individual senators have an enormous amount of power. Now, this is, of course, not what the founders [00:19:30] intended at all. The founders definitely intended the Senate to be a place where bills go to die, but they didn't intend to work this way. What they wanted was the Senate to make sure that the whims of the people didn't overwhelm the rights of the states. Today, it's much more about they want to make sure that the whims of the majority party don't overrule the rights and privileges of the minority party in the House of Representatives. Basically, nobody's the pivotal voter. There's 435 voting members. The odds that the bill is going to come down to 218 [00:20:00] versus 217. You are the 218th supporter boy howdy. It just doesn't happen very often because Nancy Pelosi or the Speaker of the House knows what they're doing and they're not going to bring a bill to the floor if they don't already have all the votes lined up.

Nick Capodice: However, Dan says that the people with the most power in the House tend to be those who have been there the longest.

Dan Cassino: If you want any power in the House of Representatives, you have to serve for a long time. You have to rise up the ranks. You have to get to the head of a committee, and then you can shape a bill in committee and push it on the floor. We should also say seniority is not [00:20:30] the only thing anymore. So if I'm the Speaker of the House, my job is to protect my majority. And one of the ways I'm going to do that, I'm going to say, all right, you're a vulnerable member. You're from a district that's a purple district. Could a Republican Democratic. You know, I'm going to do I'm going to put you on the best possible committee. I'm going to help you get all that money back to your district and put you on one of those AAA committees. So you're going to be on defense. You're going to be one of these other committees that can really deliver for your district. So as a voter, I'm not going to lose out on all the benefits by bringing someone new [00:21:00] in, especially if it's a close district. Well, I'm going to get some of those benefits anyway, because the Speaker of the House is going to make sure to put that person in committee where they can deliver for my district so that person can get reelected.

Nick Capodice: We have reached the other big part of the job for both the House and the Senate. Campaigning. We're going to talk about that and how to use your power as a voter to make sure your legislators are working for you. Right after this break. But before that break, a quick reminder that Civics 101 is listener supported. If you like what we're doing, given [00:21:30] any amount at our website, civics101podcast.org, or just click the link in the show notes.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. So senators have a six year term and representatives have to run for reelection every two years, meaning that every two years the entire House and about a third of the Senate is up for reelection. Doesn't campaigning take up a lot of their time?

Nick Capodice: Oh, yeah. Dan said that elected officials can spend up to five or 6 hours a day [00:22:00] to stay in office in both the House and the Senate. Here's former state rep and CNN political analyst Bakari Sellers.

Bakari Sellers: Let me just say that when you're in the House of Representatives, the campaigns never end. You're in a perpetual sense of campaigning because it's that two year period. You don't stop. You don't take a reprieve. You win an election and you you move on to the next elections.

Dan Cassino: If you want to run for the house, the big thing you have to have is name recognition in your community and a relatively small community. 700,000 people [00:22:30] for most House seats. People have to know who you are and you have to be able to knock on doors and mobilize people to knock on doors for you.

Nick Capodice: So what does it take to campaign for the Senate?

Bakari Sellers: Oh, for if you're campaigning for United States Senate, you should have been campaigning your entire life. There's there's no there's no waiting until the filing period. And I love to see that you have these, like billionaires or millionaires or people who have this amazing sense of self, and they wait until the filing period, which is usually like March for June or July [00:23:00] or August primary. And they think they can just parachute in and run a race and spend money on TV.

Dan Cassino: If you want to run for the Senate, the big thing you need is either be really rich yourself or to know a whole lot of rich people because that Senate race cost you tens of millions of dollars and you're never going to knock on enough doors. So the types of candidates you get are going to be very, very different. This is also one of the reasons why we see a lot more women running for the house than we do for the Senate. Well, women are able to mobilize other voters just as well as anyone else. They actually have a harder time raising money [00:23:30] because they don't necessarily have the business connections because of lots of other things going wrong in our society that would let them easily run for the Senate.

Nick Capodice: And that doesn't just affect gender in the Senate.

Bakari Sellers: It's you can literally still count on less than two hands. But, you know, if you go back in history and you're talking about Ed Brooke and Mo Cowan and Carol Moseley Braun and Cory Booker and Kamala Harris and Tim Scott, I just ran through there may be one [00:24:00] that I'm missing or two, but I just ran through the African-American members of the United States Senate in history. And so it's a very it's a very deliberative body, but it's also a very old white male body as well. Usually there's a sense of patriarchy that puts you in a position to run for that office.

Nick Capodice: And as of this recording August 2022, there have been 11 total black US senators ever. [00:24:30]

Hannah McCarthy: 11 total in the history of the country

Nick Capodice: In the history of the nation.

Nick Capodice: And though both the House and the Senate have gotten more diverse over the last couple of elections, there's still a long way to go. Currently, we have 11 nonwhite senators, and in the House, 33% of representatives are nonwhite. And that group includes a lot of newly elected legislators. Hannah As I was making this episode and hearing about all the things the House and [00:25:00] the Senate have power to do and the sheer volume of hours and money that goes both into the work and constant campaigning. Personally, it struck me that as a voter, it was really easy for me to feel disconnected from what's happening at the Capitol building and that any kind of progress or responsiveness to issues that I cared about was frustratingly slow. So this is something I asked Dan Is this how it's supposed to work? [00:25:30] Is this system broken? And if so, what about it is broken? Can we fix it?

Dan Cassino: So Congress is working as intended. This is what the founders wanted. Not the way it works, right? They didn't want parties. They were very much against parties. But the idea that the House proposes a bunch of bills is a bunch of things that could pass the House. Nothing could pass the Senate, therefore nothing happens. That's exactly what the Founders wanted. They wanted a government, a federal government that didn't do anything. It left everything up to the states because they didn't trust the federal government. [00:26:00] They wanted the states to have more power. The problem is that this is a 18th century form of government working in the 21st century, but that's not what the public necessarily wants now, the public doesn't want a government that can't do anything. I think people on both sides of the aisle. Right. Republicans very much want a government that can do something about undocumented migration, that can do something about cutting taxes and red tape. Democrats definitely want a government that can do something about climate change. You can have a government that is more efficient, but we are not designed to do that.

Nick Capodice: Dan reiterated [00:26:30] to me that sometimes this inefficiency is a good thing and that it makes legislators work for something that could have broad appeal.

Dan Cassino: Again, this is not necessarily a bad thing for everyone. It's not a bad thing because if you think about the Inflation Reduction Act, this is a bill that was actually heavily negotiated between wings of the party, between relatively liberal people and relatively conservative people, and brought together a whole bunch of people and got Democrats largely what they wanted and got policy outcomes that were, I think, amenable to most of the American public. [00:27:00]

Nick Capodice: And again, the Inflation Reduction Act didn't even have to be filibuster proof.

Dan Cassino: If you negotiate, if you have to get 60 votes, I'm not sure you get something that looks anything like that.

Nick Capodice: So this is the flip side, that the inefficiency can make it really hard to pass any legislation at all or legislation that anyone is happy about.

Dan Cassino: Think about the most recent gun control bill. There's a gun control bill that literally no one was happy with. It doesn't go nearly far enough because this requirement to get to 60 votes. So is the House [00:27:30] and Senate working the way supposed to? Yes. Is that a good thing? Not necessarily, because it does mean we wind up with a very inefficient government.

Nick Capodice: So for a final question I asked Dan, so what? What's the upshot in all of this? Where does that leave us as voters?

Dan Cassino: This is important, remember. Politicians are a cowardly and superstitious lot. They are terrified, all of them, at all times that [00:28:00] they will lose their reelection bid. Even the people in the safest seats, if they see the slightest chance they're going to lose. They start to shape up and they start to get very responsive very, very quickly. I'll give you an example from here in New Jersey, we have a representative guy named Don Payne, and Don Payne represents mostly Newark. And Don Payne is in a Don Payne Junior because his father had the seat before him. He is not going to lose the election. He is going to win that election. He doesn't even face challenges in the Republican race. He is set. Because [00:28:30] of that, he's been a little complacent. So he has the highest absenteeism rate over the course of career of any member of the House Representatives. There are some years where he doesn't show up for 40% of the votes. He just doesn't go to work. Does he win? Yeah, of course he does, because there's no one challenging him. This past election cycle. There was a young woman who was very much inspired by Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who went and started knocking on doors in his district, running against him in the primary.

Audio clip: My name is Imani Oakley. I'm a candidate [00:29:00] running for Congress in New Jersey's 10th Congressional District. And one thing that most people don't know about New Jersey and New Jersey elections is that we have the most corrupt ballot design.

Dan Cassino: Now. She was underfunded. She was literally just she and some volunteers knocking on some doors. And you know what happened? Don Payne, for the first time in years, started doing interviews. Like he went and talked to the press. He started raising lots of money. He started talking to voters. He started showing [00:29:30] up to work. He didn't missed a vote this past year because he's so scared that someone is coming for his seat in the safest possible seat you could have. He's still scared. Politicians are a cowardly and superstitious lot. If they get any inkling that someone is coming for them, they are going to shape up and they're going to do what their voters want to do by voting against someone who is going to win, by giving money to a candidate who has no chance. You [00:30:00] are scaring your representative. You are getting them in line. Even if they're not the party you like, they're going to start voting the way you want them to vote because they're scared of losing their seat. Even if you can't change them, who they are, you can change the behavior by scaring the bejesus out of your representatives. And that's the way to actually make a difference in Washington.

Nick Capodice: This episode is written and produced by me Nick Capodice with Christina Phillips and Hannah McCarthy. [00:30:30] Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton, and Rebecca Lavoie is our executive producer. Music for this episode comes from Blue Sessions. Creo, they did that house music in the beginning, Broke For Free, Jahzaar, Electric Needle Room, our electric needle room. Isaac Elliot, Bonkers Beat Club Alpha J Winters, Aria Light Fields, Xylo Zico and Cusp. Civics 101 is a production of NHPR. New Hampshire Public Radio.


 
 

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Federal Courts: Espionage and the Rosenbergs

Since its passage after World War I, thousands of people have been investigated for violating the Espionage Act, including Julian Assange, Daniel Ellsberg, and Donald Trump. However, only two people have been executed for violating it during peacetime; Ethel and Julius Rosenberg. 

This episode features Anne Sebba, author of Ethel Rosenberg: A Cold War Tragedy, and Jake Kobrick, Associate Historian at the Federal Judicial Center. It explains the Espionage Act of 1917, the accusations against the Rosenbergs, the twists and turns of their trial, and their execution in 1953. 

Resources:

Click here for handouts and activities from the Federal Judicial Center to help teach this case.

Rosenbergs transcript: Audio automatically transcribed by Sonix

Rosenbergs transcript: this mp3 audio file was automatically transcribed by Sonix with the best speech-to-text algorithms. This transcript may contain errors.

Archival:
One of the greatest peacetime spy dramas in the nation's history reaches its climax as Julius Rosenberg and Morton Sobel, convicted of revealing atomic secrets to the Russians enter the federal building in New York to hear their doom.

Nick Capodice:
I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice:
And you're listening to Civics 101. We are continuing our series on federal court trials, the landmark non Supreme Court cases that were followed by the public and the press. These are the places where the people in the courts meet. And today we are exploring the 1951 trial of the first ever U.S. citizens to be executed for espionage during peacetime. Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. And Hannah, this trial has a lot in it. It's tied to communism..

Archival:
Communist Party of the United States is a fifth column, if there ever was one.

Nick Capodice:
Mccarthyism.

Archival:
Have you no sense of decency, sir.

Nick Capodice:
The Manhattan Project, and the Cold War.

Hannah McCarthy:
So this is an espionage case, right?

Nick Capodice:
Yeah.

Hannah McCarthy:
So I think it would be best before we get to know who Ethel and Julius Rosenberg were and what they did, to understand what espionage actually is.

Nick Capodice:
After the US entered World War One, President Woodrow Wilson signed the 1917 Espionage Act. That's been amended several times since then, but basically it made it a crime to unlawfully retain or disclose any information that could potentially harm the United States or benefit its enemies. And there are lots of Supreme Court cases where this act clashes with our First Amendment rights. Famously, Schenck v United States.

Hannah McCarthy:
Oh, yeah, I know this one. This is the one where the justices ruled that, for example, shouting fire in a crowded theater is not protected speech.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah. So if any speech presents a, "clear and present danger" to the U.S., you can be punished for it. It's not protected under the First Amendment. Now, the Espionage Act covers a lot of ground. Whistleblowers like Daniel Ellsberg of Pentagon Papers fame and Julian Assange of WikiLeaks fame. They were accused of violating it. And so, too, were numerous spies and people accused of selling secrets. And most recently, the search warrant for the raid of former President Donald Trump's Mar a Lago estate cited a potential violation of the Espionage Act.

Archival:
The court papers obtained by CBS News and unsealed today show the FBI seized more than 20 boxes, some containing classified documents marked top secret and above.

Hannah McCarthy:
So basically the act says you can't keep sell or reveal information that could compromise national security.

Nick Capodice:
That's it.

Hannah McCarthy:
All right. So let's get into the Rosenbergs. Who were these people and what did they do?

Nick Capodice:
Let's start with Ethel.

Anne Sebba:
You know, I always say I'm not relitigating the trial. I'm I'm trying to tell the story of who Ethel was and Ethel's life.

Nick Capodice:
This is Anne Sebba. She's a journalist, lecturer and author of Ethel Rosenberg: A Cold War Tragedy.

Anne Sebba:
Particularly in England. If people know anything about the story, they would say to me, Oh, yes, the Rosenbergs, those spies as if they were an indissoluble unit. I wanted to extrapolate Ethel. She was 37 when she was killed and the mother of two small boys and people really didn't know anything about her except the assumption that she was part of the spy ring.

Nick Capodice:
Before she married Julius. Her name was Ethel Greenglass. That last name is going to come up a few more times. Ethel grew up in my favorite neighborhood in the world, the Lower East Side of New York City. She pursued a career in singing and acting, and that didn't really pan out. But she found work at a shipping company in New York where she started to get involved in a worker's union and then the Young Communist League.

Hannah McCarthy:
All right. So the word communist has been thrown around a lot in the last century or so. Sometimes it's a literal party descriptor. Sometimes it's an epithet. So how did communism fit into American politics in the 1930s?

Nick Capodice:
Yeah. So communism Karl Marx's political theory that all wealth and property should be shared and distributed as to people's needs. That word communism is a different thing than the Communist Party in the US. The Communist Party was a very left wing organization with financial and ideological ties to the Soviet Union in the 1930s. Their platform had a lot to do with organizing workers into unions, fighting for the rights of Black Americans and the unemployed. And yes, the bigger goal of abolishing private property and having the government own and run all industry.

Jake Kobrick:
As you might imagine, giving the economic distress that was going on in the United States in the 1930s during the Great Depression. That was the height of the Communist Party USA's influence.

Nick Capodice:
This is Jake Kobrick, associate historian of the Federal Judicial History Office.

Jake Kobrick:
So somebody being a member of the Communist Party in 1930s, New York, which was the center of their operations at that point, was not as extraordinary as it might sound in retrospect. The Communist Party in the 1930s in the United States was following what they called a popular front strategy, meaning that they were trying to not sound radical, that they were trying to link themselves with other progressive organizations in the United States and sort of be part of the general political conversation. And what that meant in practical terms was they were very heavily involved in trying to organize labor, organize workers for better conditions, which in the 1930s was was a popular cause.

Nick Capodice:
Ethel Greenglass met Julius Rosenberg at a meeting of the Young Communist League in 1936 and Anne said that year is really important.

Anne Sebba:
To me, 1936 is the touchstone when the world might have changed. And that, of course, is when Ethel and Julius both became communists. The only way to stop the dictators, Hitler, who had marched into the Rhineland, the Spanish Civil War, and Franco and Mussolini, they were all flexing their muscles. But also she'd lived through the Depression. She'd seen that capitalism hadn't worked. She thought the really must be another way.

Hannah McCarthy:
Since communism was explicitly tied to another nation, the Soviet Union, was being a communist in and of itself considered something like a treasonous act?

Nick Capodice:
No, not at all. And interestingly, this is why Julius and Ethel are later convicted not of treason, but of conspiracy to commit espionage. Because as I'll get into, yes, Julius did become a spy for Russia, but he did so after Russia had become an ally in World War Two.

Hannah McCarthy:
Okay. So because the Constitution defines treason as related to enemies giving enemies aid and comfort. Treason does not apply to Julius Rosenberg, right?

Nick Capodice:
Aid and comfort to an ally is not in our Constitution. And in 1941, the United States was trying really hard to convince people that Russia was an ally.

Anne Sebba:
There were a lot of rallies or propaganda films, and at that point, Russia became the brave ally of America and the world, and they were fighting the cause that we were all fighting against Hitler. So. So there were these sort of yo yo swings and roundabout movements, if you like.

Archival:
And Russians are determined to hold at all costs. Perish, but do not retreat, is the order of every day.

Hannah McCarthy:
And you said Julius became a spy for the Russians.

Hannah McCarthy:
He did.

Nick Capodice:
What did he do for them?

Nick Capodice:
Well, we only know the extent of what Julius did. Thanks to the 1995 declassification and release of information about this counterintelligence program called VENONA and VENONA revealed Julius was recruiting spies for the Soviet Union and giving them information.

Anne Sebba:
So these secret documents, the VENONA documents, of which there were thousands and thousands that the U.S. was deciphering decrypting, which revealed American agents passing information to the Soviet Union. And, of course, America was really scared. Again, I understand this existential fear, because not only had Russia exploded a bomb in 1949 and the Americans thought that the Russians were years behind, they never expected them to have access to nuclear weapons.

Nick Capodice:
This is a crucial part of the Rosenberg story. Russia tested a nuclear bomb in August 1949, and everyone was like, How on earth did Russia get nukes? It must have been spies. People working on the Manhattan Project in Los Alamos, New Mexico, where we designed our first atomic weapons. And the US government starts to arrest people suspected of giving nuclear secrets to the Soviet Union.

Jake Kobrick:
And there were seven people who were allegedly involved in this conspiracy. There were the Rosenbergs, there were the green glasses, Julius Rosenberg's in-laws, David and Ruth Greenglass. There was Morton Sobol, who was a friend of Julius and a fellow Communist. There was Harry Gold, who allegedly acted as a courier between the spies and the Soviets. And then there was Anatoly Yakovlev, who was a Soviet official who was allegedly in charge of their atomic espionage program in the United States.

Anne Sebba:
Now, Julius was not at Los Alamos, but Ethel's brother, David Greenglass, had been at Los Alamos where they were making the bomb, the Manhattan Project. He was a lowly machinist. He didn't know anything, but clearly merely being there was enough to excite information.

Jake Kobrick:
David was in New York. He was over at the the Rosenbergs apartment, I believe, and Julius tore a jello box in half and gave David and Ruth half of that Jell-O box. And he basically said, I'm going to send someone out to you. And the way you'll know that it's the person that I'm sending you is they're going to have the matching half of this box.

Hannah McCarthy:
A Jell-O box.

Nick Capodice:
That's some low tech spycraft.

Hannah McCarthy:
You know, low tech can be very effective.

Jake Kobrick:
There's a knock on their door. They open the door. A man allegedly says, I come from Julius. He has the matching half of the box. They match him up. And that's how he knows this is the right person to give these stolen notes and sketches to about the atomic bomb.

Nick Capodice:
Ethel and Julius were arrested in 1950 under the charge of conspiracy to commit espionage.

Hannah McCarthy:
Now, Jake said there were seven people involved in the plot, so why do we only learn about the Rosenbergs? And so far, you haven't told me anything about Ethel's supposed role in all of this. What was she accused of doing?

Nick Capodice:
All right. We're going to get to Ethel, the trial and everyone else involved right after this break.

Hannah McCarthy:
But first, just our weekly shout out that the most significant portion of our show's budget depends on listeners. Like you donate a buck or five at our website, civics101podcast.org, or just click on the link in the show notes.

Hannah McCarthy:
We're back. Ethel and Julius have been arrested. What happens next, Nick?

Nick Capodice:
So the government knows from these decoded VENONA documents, those again are the thousands of secret messages intercepted by the US. The government knows that Julius was indeed a spy. He recruited agents for a spy ring and he gave the Soviet Union's secret documents. Here's Jake Kobrick again.

Jake Kobrick:
You know, he had code names and everything. They called him Antenna for a while. And then after that, they called him Liberal. The Greenglasses, by the way, they had they had code names as well. David Greenglass was Bumblebee for a while and then Caliber and Ruth Greenglass was Wasp. And Ethel Rosenberg did not have a codename, which is pretty significant.

Hannah McCarthy:
So if Ethel didn't have a code name, does that mean she was not necessarily a spy?

Nick Capodice:
Ethel Rosenberg's actions and involvement here is like a big, wide, uncertain mark on this whole trial. To this day, we are not sure of the specificities of her involvement, and it's worth mentioning that there is a movement around her potential innocence. Her sons asked President Barack Obama to exonerate her of her crimes. Anne Sebba told me that Ethel had been used as a lever. She was to be a tool to name other parties and confirm Julius's guilt, which would then lessen her sentence. But she didn't. She and Julius protested their innocence and did not name names of any coconspirators. Here's Anne again.

Anne Sebba:
Once these VENONA documents were deciphered, a man called Klaus Fuchs who was in England was arrested. He confessed. He was a very clever physicist who really had given important information to the Russians. So Klaus Fuchs was arrested. He confessed. He was given 14 years and he named names. That's what everybody did. Klaus Fuchs named his courier Harry Gold. Harry Gold, who was a serial liar already in prison, named David and Ruth Greenglass, who were real spies. They passed information and given money. David and this is the critical point, named only one name, Julius Rosenberg. If you read his grand jury statements, he did not name his sister, Ethel.

Nick Capodice:
In 2015. David Greenglass statement to the grand jury before the trial was released, and he said, Leave my sister Ethel out of it. She is not involved. However, at the trial itself, there were several prosecutors questioning David, including Roy Cohn.

Archival:
One thing we have to understand at the outset is that the Communist Party is not a political party. It's a criminal conspiracy. Its object is it has been established by the verdict of a jury, the overthrow of the government of the United States.

Hannah McCarthy:
And for anyone out there who doesn't know Roy Cohn, he was a lawyer who would later serve as chief counsel to Senator Joseph McCarthy during the McCarthy hearings, which were about finding and outing communists and the lavender scare, which was about finding and outing members of the gay community.

Nick Capodice:
And as an additional footnote, later in Cohn's life, he would serve as lawyer and long time mentor of a young real estate developer named Donald Trump. But back to the trial. They reenacted the scene with the Jell-O box. You can actually see the box they used in the trial at the National Archives. It was raspberry flavored, by the way. But a big turning point in the trial happens during Roy Cohn's examination of David Greenglass, where David reversed what he had said about his sister Ethel.

Anne Sebba:
When he invented a different story and he perjured himself and suddenly said she did the typing.

Hannah McCarthy:
Typing? Typing up what?

Nick Capodice:
Typing up notes for Julius and David. And in the prosecution's closing statement, they said that Ethel, quote, sat at that typewriter and struck the keys blow by blow against her own country in the interests of the Soviets. Later, when David Greenglass got out of jail, he admitted he had lied about the typewriter.

Anne Sebba:
In my view, it was such a clever lie, partly because it was known that Ethel was a typist, but partly because, don't forget, this is the 1950s and misogyny is absolutely dripping at every stage of this evidence. The only evidence, quote unquote, that the judge could use was that Ethel was older, two and a half years older, than her husband. Therefore, she was obviously the senior partner in this crime unit. Again, no evidence. But but that's the attitude towards women. It was known that Ethel was clever, but a typewriter is something that all Americans could understand. Because if American women undertook work in the 1950s, it probably was that sort of secretarial work. So if you can't trust that person who's doing your typing, who on earth can you trust? And Ethel was it was insinuated was a woman who couldn't be trusted.

Hannah McCarthy:
What exactly insinuated that she couldn't be trusted?

Nick Capodice:
Well, for one thing, she took the Fifth Amendment at her trial. She refused to say anything that would incriminate herself.

Anne Sebba:
So she was considered slippery because she wasn't telling the truth. Ethel somehow came to portray somebody who was responsible for betraying all American womanhood that if if you allowed Ethel to get away with with what was conveyed as spying. Although I keep repeating, there's no evidence she actually partook of this. You would be somehow allowing all American womanhood to to be guilty.

Nick Capodice:
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were found guilty of conspiracy to commit espionage and were sentenced to death for their crimes. Roy Cohn would go on to say years later that the judge issued the death sentences on Cohn's personal recommendation. The US government offered to lessen their sentence if they just name names of coconspirators. But Julius and Ethel replied by saying, "By asking us to repudiate the truth of our innocence. The government admits its own doubts concerning our guilt. We will not be coerced, even under pain of death, to bear false witness." David Greenglass then wrote to President Eisenhower to personally request their sentence be commuted to prison time. But that request was denied. Eisenhower wrote The execution of two human beings is a grave matter. But even graver is the thought of the millions of dead whose deaths may be directly attributable to what these spies have done.

Hannah McCarthy:
Now, there were other parties involved. Were none of them sentenced to death as well?

Nick Capodice:
No they all served jail time and again. These are the only two people in U.S. history to be executed for espionage during peacetime.

Hannah McCarthy:
The only time as in it has not happened since then?

Nick Capodice:
The only time, has not happened as of this recording. It has not happened since then. And that execution was scheduled for June 17th, 1953. However, there's one last twist. And do you remember our episode on the Shadow docket?

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah, of course. It's about the times that the Supreme Court orders actions outside of their usual ruling.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, there is a notable instance of that here. On the day the Rosenbergs were to be executed at Sing Sing Prison, Supreme Court Justice William Douglas issued a stay of execution. He put the whole thing on hold.

Hannah McCarthy:
What was his reasoning for that?

Nick Capodice:
Well, his reasoning was that while the judge, Irving Kaufman, had sentenced the Rosenbergs to death, the jury had not. And this conflicted with a ruling in another case in 1946, which said a jury had to consent to a death sentence.

Hannah McCarthy:
So because of that precedent set, when Judge Kaufman sentenced them to death, but the jury didn't. This was grounds for Justice Douglas to pause their execution.

Nick Capodice:
Yes. And since this stay of execution was granted in the summer, it would be months until the Supreme Court was back in session and they could review the case.

Hannah McCarthy:
So did they delay it until the summer?

Nick Capodice:
They did not. Chief Justice Fred Vinson immediately convened the court out of session, and he stopped that stay of execution. Justice Douglas faced impeachment proceedings because of this later, he was not removed. But this is a story for another day.

Archival:
Inside the stone walls of Sing, Sing Prison. The Rosenbergs wait all day for word of their fate. It's now more than two years since they were first sentenced to die for organizing atomic espionage for Russia.

Nick Capodice:
On June 18, at 8 p.m., Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were electrocuted. One reporter who was present at the execution described Ethel's death in extreme detail, which I actually want to share here with our listeners. But frankly, it's a horrific description. So if there's anybody out there who doesn't feel like hearing about it, skip ahead a minute and 30 seconds.

Archival:
When it appeared that she had received enough electricity to kill an ordinary person and had received the exact amount that had killed her husband, the doctors went over and pulled down the cheap prison dress. A little dark green printed job. And place the stethoscopes. I can say it. Place the stethoscopes to her and then looked around that looked at each other rather dumbfounded and seemed surprised that she was not dead, believing she was dead. The attendants had taken off the ghastly wrappings and electrodes and the black belts and so forth. And these had to be readjusted again. And. And she was given more electricity, which started again, that kind of a ghastly plume of smoke that rose from her head and went up against the skylight overhead. After two more of those jolts. Ethel Rosenberg had met her maker. She'll have a lot of explaining to do, too.

Hannah McCarthy:
What was the public's reaction to their death?

Nick Capodice:
It was divided, though, Anne told me that in a poll conducted prior to the execution, 70% of Americans felt Ethel Rosenberg should be killed for her crimes. And at the same time, others considered the two of them as martyrs. 10,000 people waited outside their funeral services in Brooklyn, where their lawyer, Emanuel Bloch, said that America was living under the heel of a military dictator garbed in civilian attire.

Hannah McCarthy:
Nick, if we look at this case from a civics angle and what are we supposed to learn from the trial of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg?

Jake Kobrick:
We are always in a very interesting position at the FJC. We try not to be openly critical of the judiciary or say anything that would cast the judiciary in a bad light. But at the same time, we don't shy away from acknowledging that the judiciary has made mistakes. You know, people were obviously when we talk about Dred Scott, we say obviously this was a terrible thing. You know, people in the years after the trial were very, very critical of Irving Kaufman's conduct. They they were critical of of the death sentences. I mean, it really looks like he kind of got to swept up in this and too carried away. So, I mean, there's blame to go around. I mean, there's blame. I think probably more of the blame falls with the Justice Department. And I think we kind of rely on the judiciary to, I guess, de-escalate that passion. The judiciary is supposed to be a neutral arbiter between the prosecution and the defense. And in this particular case, the judiciary failed in that task, I think.

Anne Sebba:
Of course, if you're looking at it through the prism of the trial, Ethel would never have been convicted today. I mean, the American Bar Association has had a rerun and there is so much that is not acceptable now. And it's quite clear from the letters I've had from lawyers how this is a shameful moment that they were prepared in the fear of mob rule and the fear of communism, which, as I say, I do understand, to let the rights of one of their citizens be overruled because they felt it was for the greater good. And as far as I'm concerned, I can only repeat if my book is about one thing. It's about the importance of the rule of law. And God knows we need it more than ever today.

Nick Capodice:
That's the story of the Rosenberg trial. Huge thanks to the American Bar Association for working with us on this series. If any of you are educators out there who want to teach this case in your classroom, there are some great resources provided by the Federal Judicial Center on our website, civics101podcast.org. This episode was made by me Nick Capodice with you, Hannah McCarthy.

Hannah McCarthy:
Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton. Christina Phillips is our senior producer and Rebecca Lavoie our executive producer.

Nick Capodice:
Music in this episode by Bio Unit Blue Dot Sessions Ben Lesson Howard Harper Barnes Christian Andersen. Emily Sprague ProletR Scott Gratton Yung Kartz Jesse Gallagher and the great Chris Zabriskie.

Hannah McCarthy:
Civics 101 is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.

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Transcript

Rosenbergs transcript

Archival: One of the greatest peacetime spy dramas in the nation's history reaches its climax as Julius Rosenberg and Morton Sobel, convicted of revealing atomic secrets to the Russians enter the federal building in New York to hear their doom.

Nick Capodice: I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice: And you're listening to Civics 101. We are continuing our series on federal court trials, the [00:00:30] landmark non Supreme Court cases that were followed by the public and the press. These are the places where the people in the courts meet. And today we are exploring the 1951 trial of the first ever U.S. citizens to be executed for espionage during peacetime. Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. And Hannah, this trial has a lot in it. It's tied to communism..

Archival: Communist Party of the United States is a fifth column, if there ever was one.

Nick Capodice: Mccarthyism.

Archival: Have you no sense [00:01:00] of decency, sir.

Nick Capodice: The Manhattan Project, and the Cold War.

Hannah McCarthy: So this is an espionage case, right?

Nick Capodice: Yeah.

Hannah McCarthy: So I think it would be best before we get to know who Ethel and Julius Rosenberg were and what they did, to understand what espionage actually is.

Nick Capodice: After the US entered World War One, President Woodrow Wilson signed the 1917 Espionage Act. That's been amended several times since then, but basically [00:01:30] it made it a crime to unlawfully retain or disclose any information that could potentially harm the United States or benefit its enemies. And there are lots of Supreme Court cases where this act clashes with our First Amendment rights. Famously, Schenck v United States.

Hannah McCarthy: Oh, yeah, I know this one. This is the one where the justices ruled that, for example, shouting fire in a crowded theater is not protected speech.

Nick Capodice: Yeah. So if any speech presents a, "clear and present danger" to the U.S., [00:02:00] you can be punished for it. It's not protected under the First Amendment. Now, the Espionage Act covers a lot of ground. Whistleblowers like Daniel Ellsberg of Pentagon Papers fame and Julian Assange of WikiLeaks fame. They were accused of violating it. And so, too, were numerous spies and people accused of selling secrets. And most recently, the search warrant for the raid of former President Donald Trump's Mar a Lago estate cited a potential violation of the Espionage [00:02:30] Act.

Archival: The court papers obtained by CBS News and unsealed today show the FBI seized more than 20 boxes, some containing classified documents marked top secret and above.

Hannah McCarthy: So basically the act says you can't keep sell or reveal information that could compromise national security.

Nick Capodice: That's it.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. So let's get into the Rosenbergs. Who were these people and what did they do?

Nick Capodice: Let's start with Ethel.

Anne Sebba: You know, I always say I'm not relitigating [00:03:00] the trial. I'm I'm trying to tell the story of who Ethel was and Ethel's life.

Nick Capodice: This is Anne Sebba. She's a journalist, lecturer and author of Ethel Rosenberg: A Cold War Tragedy.

Anne Sebba: Particularly in England. If people know anything about the story, they would say to me, Oh, yes, the Rosenbergs, those spies as if they were an indissoluble unit. I wanted to extrapolate Ethel. She was 37 when she was killed and the mother of [00:03:30] two small boys and people really didn't know anything about her except the assumption that she was part of the spy ring.

Nick Capodice: Before she married Julius. Her name was Ethel Greenglass. That last name is going to come up a few more times. Ethel grew up in my favorite neighborhood in the world, the Lower East Side of New York City. She pursued a career in singing and acting, and that didn't really pan out. But she found work at a shipping company in New York where she started to get involved in a worker's [00:04:00] union and then the Young Communist League.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. So the word communist has been thrown around a lot in the last century or so. Sometimes it's a literal party descriptor. Sometimes it's an epithet. So how did communism fit into American politics in the 1930s?

Nick Capodice: Yeah. So communism Karl Marx's political theory that all wealth and property should be shared and distributed as to people's needs. That word communism is a different thing than the Communist Party [00:04:30] in the US. The Communist Party was a very left wing organization with financial and ideological ties to the Soviet Union in the 1930s. Their platform had a lot to do with organizing workers into unions, fighting for the rights of Black Americans and the unemployed. And yes, the bigger goal of abolishing private property and having the government own and run all industry.

Jake Kobrick: As you might imagine, giving the economic distress that was going on in the United States in the 1930s [00:05:00] during the Great Depression. That was the height of the Communist Party USA's influence.

Nick Capodice: This is Jake Kobrick, associate historian of the Federal Judicial History Office.

Jake Kobrick: So somebody being a member of the Communist Party in 1930s, New York, which was the center of their operations at that point, was not as extraordinary as it might sound in retrospect. The Communist Party in the 1930s in the United States was following what they called a popular front strategy, meaning that they were trying to not [00:05:30] sound radical, that they were trying to link themselves with other progressive organizations in the United States and sort of be part of the general political conversation. And what that meant in practical terms was they were very heavily involved in trying to organize labor, organize workers for better conditions, which in the 1930s was was a popular cause.

Nick Capodice: Ethel Greenglass met Julius Rosenberg at a meeting of the Young Communist League in 1936 and Anne said that year is really important. [00:06:00]

Anne Sebba: To me, 1936 is the touchstone when the world might have changed. And that, of course, is when Ethel and Julius both became communists. The only way to stop the dictators, Hitler, who had marched into the Rhineland, the Spanish Civil War, and Franco and Mussolini, they were all flexing their muscles. But also she'd lived through the Depression. She'd seen that capitalism hadn't worked. She thought the really must be another way.

Hannah McCarthy: Since communism was explicitly tied to [00:06:30] another nation, the Soviet Union, was being a communist in and of itself considered something like a treasonous act?

Nick Capodice: No, not at all. And interestingly, this is why Julius and Ethel are later convicted not of treason, but of conspiracy to commit espionage. Because as I'll get into, yes, Julius did become a spy for Russia, but he did so after Russia had become an ally in World War Two.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. So because the Constitution defines treason [00:07:00] as related to enemies giving enemies aid and comfort. Treason does not apply to Julius Rosenberg, right?

Nick Capodice: Aid and comfort to an ally is not in our Constitution. And in 1941, the United States was trying really hard to convince people that Russia was an ally.

Anne Sebba: There were a lot of rallies or propaganda films, and at that point, Russia became the brave ally of America and the world, and they were fighting the cause that we were all fighting against Hitler. [00:07:30] So. So there were these sort of yo yo swings and roundabout movements, if you like.

Archival: And Russians are determined to hold at all costs. Perish, but do not retreat, is the order of every day.

Hannah McCarthy: And you said Julius became a spy for the Russians.

Hannah McCarthy: He did.

Nick Capodice: What did he do for them?

Nick Capodice: Well, we only know the extent of what Julius did. Thanks to the 1995 declassification and release of information about this counterintelligence program called VENONA [00:08:00] and VENONA revealed Julius was recruiting spies for the Soviet Union and giving them information.

Anne Sebba: So these secret documents, the VENONA documents, of which there were thousands and thousands that the U.S. was deciphering decrypting, which revealed American agents passing information to the Soviet Union. And, of course, America was really scared. Again, I understand this existential [00:08:30] fear, because not only had Russia exploded a bomb in 1949 and the Americans thought that the Russians were years behind, they never expected them to have access to nuclear weapons.

Nick Capodice: This is a crucial part of the Rosenberg story. Russia tested a nuclear bomb in August 1949, and everyone was like, How on earth did Russia get nukes? It must have been spies. People working on the Manhattan Project in Los Alamos, [00:09:00] New Mexico, where we designed our first atomic weapons. And the US government starts to arrest people suspected of giving nuclear secrets to the Soviet Union.

Jake Kobrick: And there were seven people who were allegedly involved in this conspiracy. There were the Rosenbergs, there were the green glasses, Julius Rosenberg's in-laws, David and Ruth Greenglass. There was Morton Sobol, who was a friend of Julius and a fellow Communist. There was Harry Gold, who allegedly acted as a courier between the spies [00:09:30] and the Soviets. And then there was Anatoly Yakovlev, who was a Soviet official who was allegedly in charge of their atomic espionage program in the United States.

Anne Sebba: Now, Julius was not at Los Alamos, but Ethel's brother, David Greenglass, had been at Los Alamos where they were making the bomb, the Manhattan Project. He was a lowly machinist. He didn't know anything, but clearly merely being there was enough to excite information. [00:10:00]

Jake Kobrick: David was in New York. He was over at the the Rosenbergs apartment, I believe, and Julius tore a jello box in half and gave David and Ruth half of that Jell-O box. And he basically said, I'm going to send someone out to you. And the way you'll know that it's the person that I'm sending you is they're going to have the matching half of this box.

Hannah McCarthy: A Jell-O box.

Nick Capodice: That's some low tech spycraft.

Hannah McCarthy: You know, low tech can be very effective.

Jake Kobrick: There's a knock on their door. They open the door. A man allegedly says, I come from Julius. He has the [00:10:30] matching half of the box. They match him up. And that's how he knows this is the right person to give these stolen notes and sketches to about the atomic bomb.

Nick Capodice: Ethel and Julius were arrested in 1950 under the charge of conspiracy to commit espionage.

Hannah McCarthy: Now, Jake said there were seven people involved in the plot, so why do we only learn about the Rosenbergs? And so far, you haven't told me anything about Ethel's supposed role in all of this. What was she accused of doing?

Nick Capodice: All right. We're going to get to Ethel, the trial and [00:11:00] everyone else involved right after this break.

Hannah McCarthy: But first, just our weekly shout out that the most significant portion of our show's budget depends on listeners. Like you donate a buck or five at our website, civics101podcast.org, or just click on the link in the show notes.

Hannah McCarthy: We're back. Ethel and Julius have been arrested. What happens next, Nick?

Nick Capodice: So the government knows from these decoded VENONA documents, those again are the thousands of secret messages intercepted by the US. [00:11:30] The government knows that Julius was indeed a spy. He recruited agents for a spy ring and he gave the Soviet Union's secret documents. Here's Jake Kobrick again.

Jake Kobrick: You know, he had code names and everything. They called him Antenna for a while. And then after that, they called him Liberal. The Greenglasses, by the way, they had they had code names as well. David Greenglass was Bumblebee for a while and then Caliber and Ruth Greenglass was Wasp. And Ethel Rosenberg did not have [00:12:00] a codename, which is pretty significant.

Hannah McCarthy: So if Ethel didn't have a code name, does that mean she was not necessarily a spy?

Nick Capodice: Ethel Rosenberg's actions and involvement here is like a big, wide, uncertain mark on this whole trial. To this day, we are not sure of the specificities of her involvement, and it's worth mentioning that there is a movement around her potential innocence. Her sons asked President Barack Obama to exonerate her of her crimes. Anne [00:12:30] Sebba told me that Ethel had been used as a lever. She was to be a tool to name other parties and confirm Julius's guilt, which would then lessen her sentence. But she didn't. She and Julius protested their innocence and did not name names of any coconspirators. Here's Anne again.

Anne Sebba: Once these VENONA documents were deciphered, a man called Klaus Fuchs who was in England was arrested. He confessed. [00:13:00] He was a very clever physicist who really had given important information to the Russians. So Klaus Fuchs was arrested. He confessed. He was given 14 years and he named names. That's what everybody did. Klaus Fuchs named his courier Harry Gold. Harry Gold, who was a serial liar already in prison, named David and Ruth Greenglass, who were real spies. They passed information and given money. David and this is the critical point, named [00:13:30] only one name, Julius Rosenberg. If you read his grand jury statements, he did not name his sister, Ethel.

Nick Capodice: In 2015. David Greenglass statement to the grand jury before the trial was released, and he said, Leave my sister Ethel out of it. She is not involved. However, at the trial itself, there were several prosecutors questioning David, including Roy Cohn. [00:14:00]

Archival: One thing we have to understand at the outset is that the Communist Party is not a political party. It's a criminal conspiracy. Its object is it has been established by the verdict of a jury, the overthrow of the government of the United States.

Hannah McCarthy: And for anyone out there who doesn't know Roy Cohn, he was a lawyer who would later serve as chief counsel to Senator Joseph McCarthy during the McCarthy hearings, which were about finding and outing communists and the lavender scare, which was about finding and outing members of the [00:14:30] gay community.

Nick Capodice: And as an additional footnote, later in Cohn's life, he would serve as lawyer and long time mentor of a young real estate developer named Donald Trump. But back to the trial. They reenacted the scene with the Jell-O box. You can actually see the box they used in the trial at the National Archives. It was raspberry flavored, by the way. But a big turning point in the trial happens during Roy Cohn's examination of David Greenglass, where David reversed [00:15:00] what he had said about his sister Ethel.

Anne Sebba: When he invented a different story and he perjured himself and suddenly said she did the typing.

Hannah McCarthy: Typing? Typing up what?

Nick Capodice: Typing up notes for Julius and David. And in the prosecution's closing statement, they said that Ethel, quote, sat at that typewriter and struck the keys blow by blow against her own country in the interests of the Soviets. Later, [00:15:30] when David Greenglass got out of jail, he admitted he had lied about the typewriter.

Anne Sebba: In my view, it was such a clever lie, partly because it was known that Ethel was a typist, but partly because, don't forget, this is the 1950s and misogyny is absolutely dripping at every stage of this evidence. The only evidence, quote unquote, that the judge could use was that Ethel was older, two and [00:16:00] a half years older, than her husband. Therefore, she was obviously the senior partner in this crime unit. Again, no evidence. But but that's the attitude towards women. It was known that Ethel was clever, but a typewriter is something that all Americans could understand. Because if American women undertook work in the 1950s, it probably was that sort of secretarial work. So if you can't trust [00:16:30] that person who's doing your typing, who on earth can you trust? And Ethel was it was insinuated was a woman who couldn't be trusted.

Hannah McCarthy: What exactly insinuated that she couldn't be trusted?

Nick Capodice: Well, for one thing, she took the Fifth Amendment at her trial. She refused to say anything that would incriminate herself.

Anne Sebba: So she was considered slippery because she wasn't telling the truth. Ethel somehow came to portray somebody who was responsible for [00:17:00] betraying all American womanhood that if if you allowed Ethel to get away with with what was conveyed as spying. Although I keep repeating, there's no evidence she actually partook of this. You would be somehow allowing all American womanhood to to be guilty.

Nick Capodice: Julius and Ethel [00:17:30] Rosenberg were found guilty of conspiracy to commit espionage and were sentenced to death for their crimes. Roy Cohn would go on to say years later that the judge issued the death sentences on Cohn's personal recommendation. The US government offered to lessen their sentence if they just name names of coconspirators. But Julius and Ethel replied by saying, "By asking us to repudiate the truth of our innocence. The government admits its own [00:18:00] doubts concerning our guilt. We will not be coerced, even under pain of death, to bear false witness." David Greenglass then wrote to President Eisenhower to personally request their sentence be commuted to prison time. But that request was denied. Eisenhower wrote The execution of two human beings is a grave matter. But even graver is the thought of the millions of dead whose deaths may be directly attributable to what these spies have done.

Hannah McCarthy: Now, there were other parties involved. Were none of them sentenced [00:18:30] to death as well?

Nick Capodice: No they all served jail time and again. These are the only two people in U.S. history to be executed for espionage during peacetime.

Hannah McCarthy: The only time as in it has not happened since then?

Nick Capodice: The only time, has not happened as of this recording. It has not happened since then. And that execution was scheduled for June 17th, 1953. However, there's one last twist. And do you remember our episode on the Shadow docket?

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, of course. It's about the times that the [00:19:00] Supreme Court orders actions outside of their usual ruling.

Nick Capodice: Yeah, there is a notable instance of that here. On the day the Rosenbergs were to be executed at Sing Sing Prison, Supreme Court Justice William Douglas issued a stay of execution. He put the whole thing on hold.

Hannah McCarthy: What was his reasoning for that?

Nick Capodice: Well, his reasoning was that while the judge, Irving Kaufman, had sentenced the Rosenbergs to death, the jury had not. And this conflicted with a ruling in another case in 1946, [00:19:30] which said a jury had to consent to a death sentence.

Hannah McCarthy: So because of that precedent set, when Judge Kaufman sentenced them to death, but the jury didn't. This was grounds for Justice Douglas to pause their execution.

Nick Capodice: Yes. And since this stay of execution was granted in the summer, it would be months until the Supreme Court was back in session and they could review the case.

Hannah McCarthy: So did they delay it until the summer?

Nick Capodice: They did not. Chief Justice Fred Vinson immediately convened the court out of session, and he stopped that stay of [00:20:00] execution. Justice Douglas faced impeachment proceedings because of this later, he was not removed. But this is a story for another day.

Archival: Inside the stone walls of Sing, Sing Prison. The Rosenbergs wait all day for word of their fate. It's now more than two years since they were first sentenced to die for organizing atomic espionage for Russia.

Nick Capodice: On June 18, at 8 p.m., Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were electrocuted. One reporter who was present at the execution described Ethel's death in extreme detail, [00:20:30] which I actually want to share here with our listeners. But frankly, it's a horrific description. So if there's anybody out there who doesn't feel like hearing about it, skip ahead a minute and 30 seconds.

Archival: When it appeared that she had received enough electricity to kill an ordinary person and had received the exact amount that had killed her husband, the doctors went over and pulled down the cheap prison dress. A little dark green printed job. And [00:21:00] place the stethoscopes. I can say it. Place the stethoscopes to her and then looked around that looked at each other rather dumbfounded and seemed surprised that she was not dead, believing she was dead. The attendants had taken off the ghastly wrappings and electrodes and the black belts [00:21:30] and so forth. And these had to be readjusted again. And. And she was given more electricity, which started again, that kind of a ghastly plume of smoke that rose from her head and went up against the skylight overhead. After two more of those [00:22:00] jolts. Ethel Rosenberg had met her maker. She'll have a lot of explaining to do, too.

Hannah McCarthy: What was the public's reaction to their death?

Nick Capodice: It was divided, though, Anne told me that in a poll conducted prior to the execution, 70% of Americans felt Ethel Rosenberg should be killed for her crimes. And at the same time, others considered the two of them as martyrs. [00:22:30] 10,000 people waited outside their funeral services in Brooklyn, where their lawyer, Emanuel Bloch, said that America was living under the heel of a military dictator garbed in civilian attire.

Hannah McCarthy: Nick, if we look at this case from a civics angle and what are we supposed to learn from the trial of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg?

Jake Kobrick: We are always in a very interesting position at the FJC. We try not to be openly critical of the judiciary or [00:23:00] say anything that would cast the judiciary in a bad light. But at the same time, we don't shy away from acknowledging that the judiciary has made mistakes. You know, people were obviously when we talk about Dred Scott, we say obviously this was a terrible thing. You know, people in the years after the trial were very, very critical of Irving Kaufman's conduct. They they were critical of [00:23:30] of the death sentences. I mean, it really looks like he kind of got to swept up in this and too carried away. So, I mean, there's blame to go around. I mean, there's blame. I think probably more of the blame falls with the Justice Department. And I think we kind of rely on the judiciary to, I guess, de-escalate that passion. The judiciary is supposed to be a neutral arbiter between the prosecution and the defense. [00:24:00] And in this particular case, the judiciary failed in that task, I think.

Anne Sebba: Of course, if you're looking at it through the prism of the trial, Ethel would never have been convicted today. I mean, the American Bar Association has had a rerun and there is so much that is not acceptable now. And it's quite clear from the letters I've had from lawyers how this is a shameful moment that they were prepared in [00:24:30] the fear of mob rule and the fear of communism, which, as I say, I do understand, to let the rights of one of their citizens be overruled because they felt it was for the greater good. And as far as I'm concerned, I can only repeat if my book is about one thing. It's about the importance of the rule of law. And God knows we need it more than ever today.

[00:25:00]

Nick Capodice: That's the story of the Rosenberg trial. Huge thanks to the American Bar Association for working with us on this series. If any of you are educators out there who want to teach this case in your classroom, there are some great resources provided by the Federal Judicial Center on our website, civics101podcast.org. This episode was made by me Nick [00:25:30] Capodice with you, Hannah McCarthy.

Hannah McCarthy: Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton. Christina Phillips is our senior producer and Rebecca Lavoie our executive producer.

Nick Capodice: Music in this episode by Bio Unit Blue Dot Sessions Ben Lesson Howard Harper Barnes Christian Andersen. Emily Sprague ProletR Scott Gratton Yung Kartz Jesse Gallagher and the great Chris Zabriskie.

Hannah McCarthy: Civics 101 is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.


 
 

Made possible in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

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This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

Everything You Need to Know About the Midterms

Know your candidates and causes, find your polling place, have a plan! There are plenty of small steps you can take to be ready for the midterm election. But if you want to know what they're about and why they matter? Look and listen no further. Keith Hughes (with some help from Cheryl Cook-Kallio and Dan Cassino) tells us the five things you need to know about midterms.

Resources:

Click here for a graphic organizer for students to take notes upon while listening.

Everything You Need to Know About the Midterms: Audio automatically transcribed by Sonix

Everything You Need to Know About the Midterms: this mp3 audio file was automatically transcribed by Sonix with the best speech-to-text algorithms. This transcript may contain errors.

Nick Capodice:
In 1965, opponents of President Lyndon Baines Johnson referred to him as King Lyndon, the first.

Lyndon Johnson:
For in your time. We have the opportunity to move not only toward the rich society and the powerful society.

Nick Capodice:
His approval rating 70%.

Lyndon Johnson:
But upward to the Great Society.

Nick Capodice:
Since being sworn in as president after the assassination of JFK in 1963, Johnson had launched a set of programs called The Great Society.

Lyndon Johnson:
It demands an end to poverty and racial injustice.

Nick Capodice:
He signed the Heart-Celler Immigration Act, created Medicaid and Medicare.

Archival:
Integration leader Martin Luther King receives his pen, a gift he said he would cherish.

Nick Capodice:
It was in this administration that protests led by Martin Luther King in D.C. and in Selma resulted in two pieces of the most important legislation of our country, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. All of this while navigating our involvement in Vietnam.

Archival:
The main purpose of the operation was to clear the area of an estimated battalion of Vietcong.

Nick Capodice:
Democrats held 289 House seats and 68 Senate seats. Political minds declared the Republican Party officially dead. How can you unseat a king?

Archival:
It's like entering a gambling casino in Reno to walk into the grocery store in Prince George's County.

Nick Capodice:
Milk.

Nick Capodice:
The Great Society was no match for the price of milk. In 1966, small protests in Baltimore and Denver caught the eye of the Republican National Committee, which claimed Johnson's Great Society programs and America's involvement in Vietnam were to blame for rising grocery costs. Republican candidates for office latched on to the idea. They brought giant grocery carts to campaign events. They printed out oversize price tags showcasing rising food costs. They pushed inflation hard. This was the stage for the 1966 midterm election.

Archival:
Biggest shot in the arm for the American Republican Party. The election of Ronald Reagan as governor of California. Most of the polling stations from west to east showed a swing away from President Johnson's Democratic Party.

Hannah McCarthy:
So what happened?

Nick Capodice:
What happened? What happened here? It was huge. One of the biggest losses to the Democratic Party in the history of elections. Republicans gained 47 House seats, three Senate seats, eight governorships, 557 state legislature seats. Nixon got elected two years later. Newsweek wrote in the space of a single autumn day, the 1000 day reign of Lyndon. The first came to an end. The Emperor of American politics became just a president again.

Hannah McCarthy:
That is quite a turnaround.

Nick Capodice:
It is. And the thing is, Hannah, Johnson was still president. It was a mid-term.

Nick Capodice:
But. His reign, his long stretch of assured Democratic Party power had come to a close and the Republican Party that had been declared dead basically was brought back to life stronger than ever. These midterms were like the qualifying trials for who's going to become president over the next few decades. And it wasn't just Ronald Reagan who got elected as governor of California that year. Six other people, Hannah, seven people total who were involved in the 1966 midterms would eventually become president. And by the way, that milk forward Republican playbook. It worked so well that they're still using it to this day.

Archival:
Why?

Archival:
Because Democrats are printing trillions of dollars to pay for their massive deficit spending. Inflation is the Democrats tax on the middle class.

Archival:
And now we face record inflation. Congresswoman Kim Schrier even admitted she saw a coming in.

Archival:
10 dollars for bacon. I said $10 bacon?

Archival:
Now you're paying the price. Tell Sean Patrick Maloney we can't afford this.

Nick Capodice:
I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
And I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice:
And this is Civics 101. And today, as part of our midterms series, we're talking about the five count them five essential things you've got to know about the midterms. First, we spoke with Cheryl Cook-Kallio.

Cheryl Cook-Kallio:
Hello, I'm Cheryl Cook-Kallio. I'm a teacher. I taught government for 39 years. My claim to fame is that Sandra Day O'Connor held my hand and he said, Sandra, I'd like to announce your appointment to the Supreme Court tomorrow. Sandra Day O'Connor is the first woman to hold a seat on the Supreme Court. Sandra Day O'Connor, the very won any national election that takes place without a presidential candidate, is considered a midterm. We elect some extremely important positions during this period of time.

Nick Capodice:
And in all of these offices, the term lengths can vary. So senators in Washington, D.C. have a six year term, but some state senators can have an election every two years.

Hannah McCarthy:
That's what we have in New Hampshire.

Nick Capodice:
Yes, but some states have a four year term and others have completely different terms. But I wanted to cut to the heart of midterm elections, so I asked this guy.

Keith Hughes:
My name is Keith Hughes. I'm a social studies teacher. I also run a YouTube channel called Hip Hughes History.

Nick Capodice:
He's made over 500 educational videos about U.S. and world history. I asked him to tell me the one thing he wished Americans knew about the midterm elections, and he gave me five. Are you ready for a listicle?

Hannah McCarthy:
I am always ready for a listicle.

Nick Capodice:
Number one.

Keith Hughes:
So number one is the president is going to take it on the chin? Well, at least most of the time, midterm elections many times are called a referendum on the president. And what that means is people are going to the polls, not so much just voting on local issues, which they do a lot, but they're really kind of judging and evaluating the president and deciding if they want to give them full rein to do what they're doing or if they think that checks and balances might be in order to rein that president in a little bit.

Nick Capodice:
So if you love the president, love, love, love of what he's doing, this is a thumbs up. Or if you're super frustrated with the president, even though he's not on the ballot, you can take your frustrations out on his party.

Dan Cassino:
So the midterm elections wind up being important because what we get in the monitor is, as it's called, surge and decline.

Nick Capodice:
This is Dan Cassino.

Dan Cassino:
I'm Dan Cassino, an associate professor of political science at Fairleigh Dickinson University. Now, political science spent a lot of time worrying about surge and decline, but the basic principle is this whichever party did better in the presidential election does worse in the midterm election.

Hannah McCarthy:
Why is that?

Dan Cassino:
Why is that? If your party does really well in the presidential election, it's because you turned out a lot of voters who otherwise wouldn't vote. These sort of marginal voters normally stay home. Well, guess what? Two years later, they're going to stay home.

Keith Hughes:
In the past modern era, at least 50 or 60 years, the president in power has always lost seats in the midterm election, except for 1998. Bill Clinton was lucky enough to have a really good economy. And George Bush in 2002 and I'm thinking 911 might have had something to do with that. But every other election, whether it be Barack Obama or it be Bush or Nixon or we can go way back to Harry Truman, usually Americans that are going to turn out want to see a constitutional republic that works. And usually that means that the president, who's in power, like I said before, is going to take it on the chin.

Nick Capodice:
The 2018 midterms, however, were an outlier while Donald Trump was in office. Democrats gained 41 seats in the House, but Republicans gained two seats in the Senate. This was the first midterm since 1970 where a sitting president's party made gains in one chamber and had losses in the other. It's also worth noting that 2018 was an outlier because of voter turnout. It was the highest midterm turnout since 1914.

Archival:
It was not a blue wave. It was enough to put them in the power, but the lack of a blue wave. That's why we are seeing the White House celebrating tonight and declaring victory on their side.

Hannah McCarthy:
It was also an outlier for the actual candidates on the ballot. You had the first openly bisexual US senator. Two states elected their first ever black congresswoman and the first openly gay man was elected governor. So there were a lot of firsts. It was an unusual midterm in many ways, but generally speaking, it sounds like there's a surge when everyone comes out to vote in the presidential election, and then there's a decline two years later when lots of those voters just stay home.

Keith Hughes:
So number two is really the cyclical cycles that occur in the House and the Senate. And it really isn't a cyclical cycle in the House because every single House member is going to be up for reelection. That's right. All 435 members of the House have to face the music. But in the Senate, it's one third of the Senate.

Dan Cassino:
So the Senate is divided into three classes. We actually call them Class A, Class B and Class C, and each of those classes is up for election every two years. So every two years, one third of the Senate is up for reelection.

Nick Capodice:
Again, this is Dan Cassino.

Dan Cassino:
Now, the reason that matters is because no matter how big a wave you get in a midterm election or even in a presidential election, it can't affect more than one third of the Senate. This creates a temporal division of power where in the Senate, one third of it is governed by what happened two years ago, one third by what happened four years ago, one third by what happened six years ago.

Archival:
Meanwhile, domestic politics also makes headlines. The 1966 election chooses governors, senators and congressmen and serves as a significant preview of the '68 presidential elections.

Dan Cassino:
So in 2016, in the Senate, for instance, you are still seeing a bunch of people who have been elected in the Tea Party wave of 2010. Now, that wave wasn't really going very much anymore in 2016, but it didn't matter because they were still in there. You're still sharing power across all those years, and the idea is to kind of average things out where the House is reflecting all of these, you know, minute whims of the people they want animistic party. They want the Tea Party. Well, the Senate is going to be the insulation between those whims and the actual power of government.

Hannah McCarthy:
So the Senate, by design, has this long institutional memory and the House is more reactive.

Nick Capodice:
That's right. But the staggered Senate means every election is different when it comes to who even has a chance. A chance.

Keith Hughes:
So depending on which states are up for grabs, you can see a year where the Democrats are very safe or the Republicans are very safe.

Nick Capodice:
This year, 2022 Republicans are sort of broadcasting to the public a very safe red wave on the horizon, fairly likely to take the House and potentially the Senate as well, though recent polls show Democrats are favored to hold that chamber. This year is also interesting because both parties are facing backlash to two years of partisan and political issues. For the Democrats, it's a president with low approval ratings, inflation and a potential recession. For the Republicans, it is association with the January 6th insurrection, the Supreme Court overruling of Roe v Wade and the unpopularity of Donald Trump among many voters from both sides of the aisle. Now, regardless of the degree to which these issues actually apply to any given candidate, you've got some candidates who are distancing themselves from Biden, others distancing themselves from Trump. Also, significantly this year, there are 36 governorships up for grabs, a lot of them lean Democrat. But in places like Wisconsin, one of the most narrowly divided states in the nation, that race is going to be pretty tight.

Hannah McCarthy:
Nick, you know what is not a hard call to make supporting your friendly civics podcast.

Nick Capodice:
Oh, that's right, Hannah. It's a sure bet.

Hannah McCarthy:
Because we are committed genuinely to giving you the most high quality, nonpartisan information we can. And we are not doing it for money or power. Believe you me, this is public radio, my friends.

Nick Capodice:
That said, donations from listeners make a huge difference to our ability to actually create this show, which we hope to be able to continue doing until you vote us out. Metaphorically speaking, actually, I don't know if that one works, Hannah.

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah, I don't.

Hannah McCarthy:
It doesn't. If you have the ability and inclination to make a contribution to our show, you can do that at civics101podcast.org.

Nick Capodice:
We've also got a link to that in the show notes and thank you. We're back and we're talking to Keith Hughes about the five things you must know about this midterm.

Hannah McCarthy:
We've covered the fact that the president typically takes one on the chin in the midterms and the midterm cycle. Every House seat is up for grabs and one third of the Senate is up for grabs. So I believe, Nick, that puts us up to three.

Nick Capodice:
Three it is. Number three. Congressional redistricting or when it's done politically, gerrymandering.

Dan Cassino:
Now, we've probably heard a lot about gerrymandering in the House of Representatives. That's where state legislatures draw districts to help one party or another. So they might draw districts to make sure that Republicans are always going to one seat or the Democrats are to one seat. And both parties do this. Although in recent years, generally, Republicans have done a better job of it than Democrats.

Dan Cassino:
Have.

Arnold Schwarzenegger:
Because the politicians are interested in only one thing. And this is to stay in power. To stay in power no matter what. It doesn't matter if you're Democrat or Republican.

Dan Cassino:
Now, what that means is then the House of Representatives, I am largely representing a district that already likes my party. So I'm speaking to here from Montclair, New Jersey. And Montclair, New Jersey as a whole is a city that is slightly to the left of Trotsky. That means if I'm the representative from Montclair, I run as far left as I can, and that'll get me elected. If I go to towns over, I'm going to be in a town that had the birth of the Tea Party. And guess what? I'm going to run as far right as I can and I'm going to win reelection. House of Representatives districts tend to lead to polarization, with members of Congress trying to go as far left or as far right as they can get.

Nick Capodice:
Just a quick clarification that we make all the time. Congressional redistricting and gerrymandering are not interchangeable. They're not the same thing. Gerrymandering is when you do congressional redistricting to favor your party. We have a whole episode that digs into it. Just search gerrymandering in our podcast feed.

Keith Hughes:
Most political scientists put it at about 40 seats that are truly up for grabs with all of the rest. If you could think of that 435 seats, there's only 40 really competitive districts, which means the other ones are really, really red or.

Keith Hughes:
Really, really blue.

Keith Hughes:
Keith used the 2016 general election as an example.

Keith Hughes:
It was pretty split in terms of the House, the House of Representatives. We saw if you took the total vote for House members, it was about 50%, 50% split between Democrats and Republicans. But when you break that 50, 50% down and you look at, you know, what happened in terms of the outcome of the vote, you know, the Republicans have more of a 40 seat advantage in the House.

Nick Capodice:
I have to restate this, Hannah, because I could not believe it when I heard it the first time, even though in 2016, almost the exact same number of votes were cast for Democratic representatives and Republican representatives. The Republicans won 241 House seats and the Democrats won 194.

Hannah McCarthy:
And of course, as of 2022, every state in the nation has a new districting map based on the 2020 census.

Nick Capodice:
Right. And currently some of these district maps are being challenged as gerrymandering, but those challenges are unlikely to be resolved before the election. Republicans have positioned themselves to gain a few more seats in 2022. At the end of the day, Hanna still just 40 highly competitive seats in this country. Oh, also with these new maps, people of color pretty much are guaranteed to remain underrepresented. So let's keep going. Number four.

Keith Hughes:
Number four, midterms matter because you really are pressing the button for new ideas if the Democrats are able to flip the House or flip the Senate. Not only does it give a chance for the party to redefine itself, to have new leaders, to have fresh faces, to try to put that agenda in front of the American people and maybe put, you know, the president under some pressure in terms of is he going to support ideas that might be popular with most Americans because that legislation is now coming out of the House and coming out of the Senate. But in the long term, it really can help a party rejuvenate itself. You know, come out new. Start over again.

Hannah McCarthy:
Oh, the guy who wrote the book on midterms, Andy Bush, told me about this. He said that if we look at huge areas of new policy in American history, say the New Deal or LBJ's Great Society, they were bracketed by midterm elections, not presidential elections.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, it's like midterms are a test kitchen for politics and we saved the best for last. Here comes number five.

Keith Hughes:
And finally, number five. Why midterm is really important is because voting counts. Voting really matters. And when you look at statistically the type of turnout that you get in midterm elections, it's really, really sad. My fellow Americans, you know, in a national election, you might see 55, 65% of registered voters coming out. But in a midterm election, it could be as low as 25, 30%.

Archival:
Sometimes your instincts tell you when a man is right for the job.

Nick Capodice:
So there it is. Keith Hughes, top five things to know about the midterms. Again, number one, the president almost always takes a hit to the Senate's staggered election cycle is crucial. Three congressional redistricting, aka gerrymandering, when it's done politically, is going to happen after the midterms. Four midterms are the proving ground for new ideas. And five, your vote really, really counts in a midterm.

Hannah McCarthy:
I got to say Nick. I really have learned a lot in this episode.

Nick Capodice:
Me, too. So before we say goodbye, we're going to end this episode with a snapshot of an historic midterm broken down by Brady Carlson, former NPR reporter and current afternoon host at Wisconsin Public Radio, as well as the author of Dead Presidents.

Hannah McCarthy:
Brady Carlson.

Nick Capodice:
You know him, right?

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah, I know Brady.

Nick Capodice:
He's going to tell us about a famous midterm from the past.

Brady Carlson:
Sometimes a midterm election can turn an era of good feelings. Into an era of hard feelings. Today's midterm is the 1826 midterm election. And to understand the election of 1826 and 1827, they were split up back then. You first have to understand how weird the 1820s are in American political history. This is one of the few times where the country doesn't have major political parties that oppose each other. There had been two main political parties, the Federalists and the Democratic Republicans, but the Federalists collapsed. And so the Democratic Republicans were kind of the only game in town by the 1820 presidential election. James Monroe, the incumbent, ran basically unopposed for reelection. And because there's no organized opposition to his administration, this period becomes known as the era of good feelings. The feelings were actually a little more mixed than that, especially when 1824 rolled around because there were a bunch of people angling to be Monroe's successor. At that time, the typical frontrunner to be the next president was the previous president's secretary of State. And at that time, the Secretary of state was a guy called John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts. But there was also kind of a wild card thrown into the mix. Andrew Jackson of Tennessee.

Archival:
Have you been long in Nashville, Mr. Jackson?

Archival:
Not long, ma'am.

Brady Carlson:
He was a military hero in the war of 1812. He was enormously popular and he had thrown his hat into the ring. He wasn't going to wait around to become secretary of state first.

Archival:
There's only one thing that can keep you from being president, and that's you yourself.

Brady Carlson:
The election happens. Jackson wins the most popular votes and the most electoral votes, but not a majority of either. And under the Constitution, when there's no majority in the Electoral College, the House of Representatives chooses the president. And in 1824, they chose the second place finisher, John Quincy Adams.

Archival:
They're determined back east not to have a Western president.

Brady Carlson:
So obviously the Jackson people are furious. They finished first and didn't win the election. So they essentially say this is a rigged system. The Adams people had conspired with the insiders in the House of Representatives to take away the election not only from Andrew Jackson, but to their minds, the will of the American people. So the Jackson people respond to this by organizing their own political party. They called it the Democratic Party, and their mission was to basically wage a four year election campaign against President Adams and the people who had put him in office. So they specifically targeted those lawmakers from the pro Jackson districts who had voted to elect Adams. They called it a blacklist. Now, Adams was still rooted in the old model that public officials were public officials, not politicians. They shouldn't carry the banner of a party. He even once told Congress that they needed to pass some of his agenda, even if it was unpopular with the people. He told them, and this is a quote Don't be, quote, palsy by the will of our constituents. Now, that's not the kind of thing that wins you a lot of public support. So the Jackson forces took this opportunity and they started using something close to modern election techniques. They were going district by district. They were really playing up the personalities of their candidate.

Archival:
But Jackson, he was wide awake and was not scared of trifles.

Brady Carlson:
And when the midterm elections were done, they had majorities in both houses of Congress, and they used those majorities to block the Adams administration and its priorities for the next two years until the 1828 presidential election rolled around, which Andrew Jackson won in an outright majority. This was an early example of what's now known as the midterm decline, where a new president comes in and two years later, voters move toward the opposition in Congress to serve as a kind of check on that administration. This is something that's happened not in every presidency, but in enough that it's become an almost expectation when a new president comes into office.

Nick Capodice:
That'll do it. Go vote. This episode is produced by me. Nick Capodice with you. Hannah McCarthy, thank you.

Hannah McCarthy:
Oh sure.

Nick Capodice:
Christina Phillips as her senior producer. Jackie Fulton, our producer, Rebecca Lavoie are executive producer.

Hannah McCarthy:
Music in this episode by Diamond Ortiz, Rondo Brothers, Blue Dot Sessions, Yung Logos, Dead Boys, Ethan Maxwell, Parvis Decree Samuel Woodworth, Silent Partner Fran Schubert, The Green Orbs and Quincas Moreira.

Nick Capodice:
If you want to know more about Civics 101, or you want to submit a civics question of your own, you can do that at civics101podcast.org.

Hannah McCarthy:
Civics 101 is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio.

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Transcript: Everything You Need to Know About the Midterms

Nick Capodice: In 1965, opponents of President Lyndon Baines Johnson referred to him as King Lyndon, the first.

Lyndon Johnson: For in your time. We have the opportunity to move not only toward the rich society and the powerful society.

Nick Capodice: His approval rating 70%.

Lyndon Johnson: But upward to the Great Society.

Nick Capodice: Since being sworn in as [00:00:30] president after the assassination of JFK in 1963, Johnson had launched a set of programs called The Great Society.

Lyndon Johnson: It demands an end to poverty and racial injustice.

Nick Capodice: He signed the Heart-Celler Immigration Act, created Medicaid and Medicare.

Archival: Integration leader Martin Luther King receives his pen, a gift he said he would cherish.

Nick Capodice: It was in this administration that protests led by Martin Luther King in D.C. and in Selma resulted in two pieces of the most important legislation [00:01:00] of our country, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. All of this while navigating our involvement in Vietnam.

Archival: The main purpose of the operation was to clear the area of an estimated battalion of Vietcong.

Nick Capodice: Democrats held 289 House seats and 68 Senate seats. Political minds declared the Republican Party officially dead. How can you unseat a king?

Archival: It's like entering a gambling [00:01:30] casino in Reno to walk into the grocery store in Prince George's County.

Nick Capodice: Milk.

Nick Capodice: The Great Society was no match for the price of milk. In 1966, small protests in Baltimore and Denver caught the eye of the Republican National Committee, which claimed Johnson's Great Society programs and America's involvement in Vietnam were to blame for rising grocery costs. Republican candidates for office latched on to [00:02:00] the idea. They brought giant grocery carts to campaign events. They printed out oversize price tags showcasing rising food costs. They pushed inflation hard. This was the stage for the 1966 midterm election.

Archival: Biggest shot in the arm for the American Republican Party. The election of Ronald Reagan as governor of California. Most of the polling stations from west to east showed a swing away from President Johnson's Democratic Party.

Hannah McCarthy: So [00:02:30] what happened?

Nick Capodice: What happened? What happened here? It was huge. One of the biggest losses to the Democratic Party in the history of elections. Republicans gained 47 House seats, three Senate seats, eight governorships, 557 state legislature seats. Nixon got elected two years later. Newsweek wrote in the space of a single autumn day, the 1000 day reign of Lyndon. The first came to an end. The Emperor [00:03:00] of American politics became just a president again.

Hannah McCarthy: That is quite a turnaround.

Nick Capodice: It is. And the thing is, Hannah, Johnson was still president. It was a mid-term.

Nick Capodice: But. His reign, his long stretch of assured Democratic Party power had come to a close and the Republican Party that had been declared dead basically was brought back to life stronger than ever. These midterms were like the qualifying trials for who's going to become president over the next [00:03:30] few decades. And it wasn't just Ronald Reagan who got elected as governor of California that year. Six other people, Hannah, seven people total who were involved in the 1966 midterms would eventually become president. And by the way, that milk forward Republican playbook. It worked so well that they're still using it to this day.

Archival: Why?

Archival: Because Democrats are printing trillions of dollars to pay for their massive deficit spending. Inflation is the Democrats tax on the middle class.

Archival: And [00:04:00] now we face record inflation. Congresswoman Kim Schrier even admitted she saw a coming in.

Archival: 10 dollars for bacon. I said $10 bacon?

Archival: Now you're paying the price. Tell Sean Patrick Maloney we can't afford this.

Nick Capodice: I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: And I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice: And this is Civics 101. And today, as part of our midterms series, we're talking about the five count them five essential things you've got to know [00:04:30] about the midterms. First, we spoke with Cheryl Cook-Kallio.

Cheryl Cook-Kallio: Hello, I'm Cheryl Cook-Kallio. I'm a teacher. I taught government for 39 years. My claim to fame is that Sandra Day O'Connor held my hand and he said, Sandra, I'd like to announce your appointment to the Supreme Court tomorrow. Sandra Day O'Connor is the first woman to hold a seat on the Supreme Court. Sandra Day O'Connor, the very won any national election that takes place without a presidential candidate, is considered a midterm. We elect some extremely important [00:05:00] positions during this period of time.

Nick Capodice: And in all of these offices, the term lengths can vary. So senators in Washington, D.C. have a six year term, but some state senators can have an election every two years.

Hannah McCarthy: That's what we have in New Hampshire.

Nick Capodice: Yes, but some states have a four year term and others have completely different terms. But I wanted to cut to the heart of midterm elections, so I asked this guy.

Keith Hughes: My name is Keith Hughes. I'm a social studies teacher. I also run a YouTube channel called Hip Hughes History.

Nick Capodice: He's made over 500 educational videos [00:05:30] about U.S. and world history. I asked him to tell me the one thing he wished Americans knew about the midterm elections, and he gave me five. Are you ready for a listicle?

Hannah McCarthy: I am always ready for a listicle.

Nick Capodice: Number one.

Keith Hughes: So number one is the president is going to take it on the chin? Well, at least most of the time, midterm elections many times are called a referendum on the president. And what that means is people are going to the polls, not so much just voting on local issues, which they do a lot, but they're really kind of [00:06:00] judging and evaluating the president and deciding if they want to give them full rein to do what they're doing or if they think that checks and balances might be in order to rein that president in a little bit.

Nick Capodice: So if you love the president, love, love, love of what he's doing, this is a thumbs up. Or if you're super frustrated with the president, even though he's not on the ballot, you can take your frustrations out on his party.

Dan Cassino: So the midterm elections wind up being important because what we get in the monitor is, as it's called, surge and decline.

Nick Capodice: This is Dan Cassino. [00:06:30]

Dan Cassino: I'm Dan Cassino, an associate professor of political science at Fairleigh Dickinson University. Now, political science spent a lot of time worrying about surge and decline, but the basic principle is this whichever party did better in the presidential election does worse in the midterm election.

Hannah McCarthy: Why is that?

Dan Cassino: Why is that? If your party does really well in the presidential election, it's because you turned out a lot of voters who otherwise wouldn't vote. These sort of marginal voters normally stay home. Well, guess what? Two years later, they're going to stay home. [00:07:00]

Keith Hughes: In the past modern era, at least 50 or 60 years, the president in power has always lost seats in the midterm election, except for 1998. Bill Clinton was lucky enough to have a really good economy. And George Bush in 2002 and I'm thinking 911 might have had something to do with that. But every other election, whether it be Barack Obama or it be Bush or Nixon or we can go way back to Harry Truman, usually Americans that are going to turn out want to see a constitutional republic that works. And usually [00:07:30] that means that the president, who's in power, like I said before, is going to take it on the chin.

Nick Capodice: The 2018 midterms, however, were an outlier while Donald Trump was in office. Democrats gained 41 seats in the House, but Republicans gained two seats in the Senate. This was the first midterm since 1970 where a sitting president's party made gains in one chamber and had losses in the other. It's also worth noting that 2018 was an outlier because of voter turnout. It was the highest [00:08:00] midterm turnout since 1914.

Archival: It was not a blue wave. It was enough to put them in the power, but the lack of a blue wave. That's why we are seeing the White House celebrating tonight and declaring victory on their side.

Hannah McCarthy: It was also an outlier for the actual candidates on the ballot. You had the first openly bisexual US senator. Two states elected their first ever black congresswoman and the first openly gay man was elected governor. So there were a lot of firsts. It was an unusual midterm in many [00:08:30] ways, but generally speaking, it sounds like there's a surge when everyone comes out to vote in the presidential election, and then there's a decline two years later when lots of those voters just stay home.

Keith Hughes: So number two is really the cyclical cycles that occur in the House and the Senate. And it really isn't a cyclical cycle in the House because every single House member is going to be up for reelection. That's right. All 435 members of the House have to face [00:09:00] the music. But in the Senate, it's one third of the Senate.

Dan Cassino: So the Senate is divided into three classes. We actually call them Class A, Class B and Class C, and each of those classes is up for election every two years. So every two years, one third of the Senate is up for reelection.

Nick Capodice: Again, this is Dan Cassino.

Dan Cassino: Now, the reason that matters is because no matter how big a wave you get in a midterm election or even in a presidential election, it can't affect more than one third of the Senate. This creates a temporal division of power [00:09:30] where in the Senate, one third of it is governed by what happened two years ago, one third by what happened four years ago, one third by what happened six years ago.

Archival: Meanwhile, domestic politics also makes headlines. The 1966 election chooses governors, senators and congressmen and serves as a significant preview of the '68 presidential elections.

Dan Cassino: So in 2016, in the Senate, for instance, you are still seeing a bunch of people who have been elected in the Tea Party wave of 2010. Now, that wave wasn't really going very much anymore in 2016, but it didn't matter [00:10:00] because they were still in there. You're still sharing power across all those years, and the idea is to kind of average things out where the House is reflecting all of these, you know, minute whims of the people they want animistic party. They want the Tea Party. Well, the Senate is going to be the insulation between those whims and the actual power of government.

Hannah McCarthy: So the Senate, by design, has this long institutional memory and the House is more reactive.

Nick Capodice: That's right. But the staggered Senate means every election is [00:10:30] different when it comes to who even has a chance. A chance.

Keith Hughes: So depending on which states are up for grabs, you can see a year where the Democrats are very safe or the Republicans are very safe.

Nick Capodice: This year, 2022 Republicans are sort of broadcasting to the public a very safe red wave on the horizon, fairly likely to take the House and potentially the Senate as well, though recent polls show Democrats are favored to hold that chamber. This year is [00:11:00] also interesting because both parties are facing backlash to two years of partisan and political issues. For the Democrats, it's a president with low approval ratings, inflation and a potential recession. For the Republicans, it is association with the January 6th insurrection, the Supreme Court overruling of Roe v Wade and the unpopularity of Donald Trump among many voters from both sides of the aisle. Now, regardless of the degree to which these issues actually apply to any given [00:11:30] candidate, you've got some candidates who are distancing themselves from Biden, others distancing themselves from Trump. Also, significantly this year, there are 36 governorships up for grabs, a lot of them lean Democrat. But in places like Wisconsin, one of the most narrowly divided states in the nation, that race is going to be pretty tight.

Hannah McCarthy: Nick, you know what is not a hard call to make supporting your friendly civics podcast.

Nick Capodice: Oh, that's [00:12:00] right, Hannah. It's a sure bet.

Hannah McCarthy: Because we are committed genuinely to giving you the most high quality, nonpartisan information we can. And we are not doing it for money or power. Believe you me, this is public radio, my friends.

Nick Capodice: That said, donations from listeners make a huge difference to our ability to actually create this show, which we hope to be able to continue doing until you vote us out. Metaphorically speaking, actually, I don't know if that one works, Hannah.

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, I don't.

Hannah McCarthy: It doesn't. If you have the ability and inclination to make [00:12:30] a contribution to our show, you can do that at civics101podcast.org.

Nick Capodice: We've also got a link to that in the show notes and thank you. We're back and we're talking to Keith Hughes about the five things you must know about this midterm.

Hannah McCarthy: We've covered the fact that the president typically takes one on the chin in the midterms and the midterm cycle. Every House seat is up for grabs and one third of the Senate is up for grabs. So I believe, Nick, that puts us up to three.

Nick Capodice: Three it is. Number [00:13:00] three. Congressional redistricting or when it's done politically, gerrymandering.

Dan Cassino: Now, we've probably heard a lot about gerrymandering in the House of Representatives. That's where state legislatures draw districts to help one party or another. So they might draw districts to make sure that Republicans are always going to one seat or the Democrats are to one seat. And both parties do this. Although in recent years, generally, Republicans have done a better job of it than Democrats.

Dan Cassino: Have.

Arnold Schwarzenegger: Because the politicians are interested [00:13:30] in only one thing. And this is to stay in power. To stay in power no matter what. It doesn't matter if you're Democrat or Republican.

Dan Cassino: Now, what that means is then the House of Representatives, I am largely representing a district that already likes my party. So I'm speaking to here from Montclair, New Jersey. And Montclair, New Jersey as a whole is a city that is slightly to the left of Trotsky. That means if I'm the representative from [00:14:00] Montclair, I run as far left as I can, and that'll get me elected. If I go to towns over, I'm going to be in a town that had the birth of the Tea Party. And guess what? I'm going to run as far right as I can and I'm going to win reelection. House of Representatives districts tend to lead to polarization, with members of Congress trying to go as far left or as far right as they can get.

Nick Capodice: Just a quick clarification that we make all the time. Congressional redistricting and gerrymandering are not interchangeable. They're not the same thing. Gerrymandering is [00:14:30] when you do congressional redistricting to favor your party. We have a whole episode that digs into it. Just search gerrymandering in our podcast feed.

Keith Hughes: Most political scientists put it at about 40 seats that are truly up for grabs with all of the rest. If you could think of that 435 seats, there's only 40 really competitive districts, which means the other ones are really, really red or.

Keith Hughes: Really, really blue.

Keith Hughes: Keith used the 2016 general election as an example.

Keith Hughes: It was pretty split in terms of the [00:15:00] House, the House of Representatives. We saw if you took the total vote for House members, it was about 50%, 50% split between Democrats and Republicans. But when you break that 50, 50% down and you look at, you know, what happened in terms of the outcome of the vote, you know, the Republicans have more of a 40 seat advantage in the House.

Nick Capodice: I have to restate this, Hannah, because I could not believe it when I heard it the first time, even though in 2016, almost the exact same number of votes were cast for Democratic representatives [00:15:30] and Republican representatives. The Republicans won 241 House seats and the Democrats won 194.

Hannah McCarthy: And of course, as of 2022, every state in the nation has a new districting map based on the 2020 census.

Nick Capodice: Right. And currently some of these district maps are being challenged as gerrymandering, but those challenges are unlikely to be resolved before the election. Republicans have positioned themselves to gain a few more seats in 2022. At the end of the day, Hanna [00:16:00] still just 40 highly competitive seats in this country. Oh, also with these new maps, people of color pretty much are guaranteed to remain underrepresented. So let's keep going. Number four.

Keith Hughes: Number four, midterms matter because you really are pressing the button for new ideas if the Democrats are able to flip the House or flip the Senate. Not only does it give a chance for the party to redefine itself, to have new leaders, to have fresh faces, to try to put that agenda in [00:16:30] front of the American people and maybe put, you know, the president under some pressure in terms of is he going to support ideas that might be popular with most Americans because that legislation is now coming out of the House and coming out of the Senate. But in the long term, it really can help a party rejuvenate itself. You know, come out new. Start over again.

Hannah McCarthy: Oh, the guy who wrote the book on midterms, Andy Bush, told me about this. He said that if we look at huge areas of new policy in American history, say the New Deal [00:17:00] or LBJ's Great Society, they were bracketed by midterm elections, not presidential elections.

Nick Capodice: Yeah, it's like midterms are a test kitchen for politics and we saved the best for last. Here comes number five.

Keith Hughes: And finally, number five. Why midterm is really important is because voting counts. Voting really matters. And when you look at statistically the type of turnout that you get in midterm elections, it's really, really sad. My fellow Americans, you know, in a national election, you might see 55, 65% of registered [00:17:30] voters coming out. But in a midterm election, it could be as low as 25, 30%.

Archival: Sometimes your instincts tell you when a man is right for the job.

Nick Capodice: So there it is. Keith Hughes, top five things to know about the midterms. Again, number one, the president almost always takes a hit to the Senate's staggered election cycle is crucial. Three congressional redistricting, aka [00:18:00] gerrymandering, when it's done politically, is going to happen after the midterms. Four midterms are the proving ground for new ideas. And five, your vote really, really counts in a midterm.

Hannah McCarthy: I got to say Nick. I really have learned a lot in this episode.

Nick Capodice: Me, too. So before we say goodbye, we're going to end this episode with a snapshot of an historic midterm broken down by Brady Carlson, former NPR reporter and current afternoon host at Wisconsin Public Radio, as well as the author of Dead Presidents [00:18:30].

Hannah McCarthy: Brady Carlson.

Nick Capodice: You know him, right?

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, I know Brady.

Nick Capodice: He's going to tell us about a famous midterm from the past.

Brady Carlson: Sometimes a midterm election can turn an era of good feelings. Into an era of hard feelings. Today's midterm is the 1826 midterm election. And to understand the election of 1826 and 1827, they were split up back [00:19:00] then. You first have to understand how weird the 1820s are in American political history. This is one of the few times where the country doesn't have major political parties that oppose each other. There had been two main political parties, the Federalists and the Democratic Republicans, but the Federalists collapsed. And so the Democratic Republicans were kind of the only game in town by the 1820 presidential election. James Monroe, the incumbent, ran basically unopposed for reelection. [00:19:30] And because there's no organized opposition to his administration, this period becomes known as the era of good feelings. The feelings were actually a little more mixed than that, especially when 1824 rolled around because there were a bunch of people angling to be Monroe's successor. At that time, the typical frontrunner to be the next president was the previous president's secretary of State. And at that time, the Secretary of state was a guy called John Quincy [00:20:00] Adams of Massachusetts. But there was also kind of a wild card thrown into the mix. Andrew Jackson of Tennessee.

Archival: Have you been long in Nashville, Mr. Jackson?

Archival: Not long, ma'am.

Brady Carlson: He was a military hero in the war of 1812. He was enormously popular and he had thrown his hat into the ring. He wasn't going to wait around to become secretary of state first.

Archival: There's only one thing that can keep you from being president, and that's you yourself.

Brady Carlson: The election happens. Jackson wins the most popular votes and the most electoral votes, but not a majority of [00:20:30] either. And under the Constitution, when there's no majority in the Electoral College, the House of Representatives chooses the president. And in 1824, they chose the second place finisher, John Quincy Adams.

Archival: They're determined back east not to have a Western president.

Brady Carlson: So obviously the Jackson people are furious. They finished first and didn't win the election. So they essentially say this is a rigged system. The Adams people had conspired with the insiders in the House of Representatives to take away the election [00:21:00] not only from Andrew Jackson, but to their minds, the will of the American people. So the Jackson people respond to this by organizing their own political party. They called it the Democratic Party, and their mission was to basically wage a four year election campaign against President Adams and the people who had put him in office. So they specifically targeted those lawmakers from the pro Jackson districts who had voted to elect Adams. They called it a blacklist. Now, Adams was still rooted in the [00:21:30] old model that public officials were public officials, not politicians. They shouldn't carry the banner of a party. He even once told Congress that they needed to pass some of his agenda, even if it was unpopular with the people. He told them, and this is a quote Don't be, quote, palsy by the will of our constituents. Now, that's not the kind of thing that wins you a lot of public support. So the Jackson forces took this opportunity and they started using something close to modern election techniques. They were going district [00:22:00] by district. They were really playing up the personalities of their candidate.

Archival: But Jackson, he was wide awake and was not scared of trifles.

Brady Carlson: And when the midterm elections were done, they had majorities in both houses of Congress, and they used those majorities to block the Adams administration and its priorities for the next two years until the 1828 presidential election rolled around, which Andrew Jackson won in an outright majority. This was an early example of what's now known as the midterm [00:22:30] decline, where a new president comes in and two years later, voters move toward the opposition in Congress to serve as a kind of check on that administration. This is something that's happened not in every presidency, but in enough that it's become an almost expectation when a new president comes into office.

Nick Capodice: That'll do it. Go vote. This episode is produced by me. Nick Capodice with you. Hannah McCarthy, thank you.

Hannah McCarthy: Oh sure. [00:23:00]

Nick Capodice: Christina Phillips as her senior producer. Jackie Fulton, our producer, Rebecca Lavoie are executive producer.

Hannah McCarthy: Music in this episode by Diamond Ortiz, Rondo Brothers, Blue Dot Sessions, Yung Logos, Dead Boys, Ethan Maxwell, Parvis Decree Samuel Woodworth, Silent Partner Fran Schubert, The Green Orbs and Quincas Moreira.

Nick Capodice: If you want to know more about Civics 101, or you want to submit a civics question of your own, you can do that at civics101podcast.org.

Hannah McCarthy: Civics 101 is a production of NHPR, New Hampshire Public Radio. [00:23:30]


 


 
 

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This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

Federal Courts: Our First Treason Trial (US v Burr)

Today we're opening our new series on famous trials in the Federal Courts. In this case, United States v Burr, the judge and jury had to decide whether to convict former VP Aaron Burr for the crime of treason.

Taking us on the journey are Christine Lamberson, Director of History at the Federal Judicial Center, and Nancy Isenberg, professor at LSU and author of Fallen Founder: The Life of Aaron Burr.  

This trial has everything: Washington Irving, epaulets, a subpoenaed president, and a letter hidden in a shoe.


Education Resources:

The Federal Judicial Center has numerous resources to teach this case, to students or to judges! Click here for their archive of activities and handouts.


Federal Courts: US v Burr: Audio automatically transcribed by Sonix

Federal Courts: US v Burr: this mp3 audio file was automatically transcribed by Sonix with the best speech-to-text algorithms. This transcript may contain errors.

Archival:
Whenever you're ready, Mr. Chief Justice. And may it please the Court and please the Court. Mr. Chief Justice. At least the facts of this case appeared in 1777 in Philadelphia...This case concerns the federal drug conspiracy statute...This case presents to this court the questions of whether Miranda versus Arizona and Westover versus.

Nick Capodice:
Hannah. It's no secret. You know, I'm a little bit obsessed with Supreme Court history.

Hannah McCarthy:
Just a little. Yeah, yeah, I know.

Nick Capodice:
The robes, the oyez chant,

Archival:
Oyez, oyez!

Nick Capodice:
Two advocates in a room debating cases with nine justices. It's almost a philosophical exercise.

Hannah McCarthy:
It makes you very emotional.

Nick Capodice:
But it's not the entire picture of our judicial system. Now, you've pored over dozens of landmark Supreme Court cases, and don't you dare deny it. You're a big fan of courtroom dramas.

Hannah McCarthy:
Yep.

Nick Capodice:
So tell me what is missing from the hallowed sessions in the highest court of the land that you get in those courtroom dramas?

Hannah McCarthy:
I mean, everything everything is missing, right? It's it's the laws that are on trial, not the human beings. There's no jury. There's no cross examination, no gavels, which, like, they could at least throw in some gavels. No one's like shouting. I object. Although apparently that doesn't actually happen very often in court. No surprise witnesses. There's no presentation of evidence. There's no ruling by the judge right then and there. Come to think of it, the people involved in the cases usually aren't even in the.

Christine Lamberson:
Every once in a while, like Plessy versus Ferguson. I used to teach U.S. history. So you actually talk about who Homer Plessy was, but you hardly ever talk about the students in Brown versus Board.

Nick Capodice:
This is Christine Lamberson. She works at the Federal Judicial Center, which is the Research and Education Agency of the federal courts. And earlier this year, I spoke to her and some folks from the American Bar Association who asked, hey, why haven't you done any episodes on federal court cases? This is where the action happens. This is where people and the courts meet. And this is Civics 101. I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice:
And this is the first in a series about historic federal court cases. Today, we're going to talk about the trial of the century, one of the first cases ever related to something very serious. Article three, Section three in the Constitution, treason.

Hannah McCarthy:
Okay, before we get into treason, why are federal courts the place to examine it?

Nick Capodice:
Right. Here's Christine again.

Christine Lamberson:
First of all, the vast majority of cases that go through the federal courts are not going to make it to the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court; certainly currently this is especially true. The Supreme Court currently hears 100 to 150 cases per year, whereas thousands, tens of thousands of court cases are heard by courts of appeals, hundreds of thousands by district courts.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is a good point. I mean, much like the executive branch is not just the president, but also 4 million other Americans. The vast majority of the judiciary is in these lower courts.

Christine Lamberson:
Historically, I think also we can get a sense of how people interact with the courts. When you're looking at a trial, for example, as opposed to a Supreme Court case at the trial, you are going to have individual Americans who are not lawyers arguing about the law, coming and telling their stories and talking about their experiences and interacting with the federal legal system. So if you're looking at a trial, we're going to be able to get a sense of how individual Americans throughout history were interacting with the legal system that we don't tend to get when we look at the Supreme Court level decisions.

Nick Capodice:
And to remind you, the Supreme Court was not always the body who made these decisions on what was and was not constitutional. Yes, they do that now. But initially they had another job and it was in our circuit courts of appeals. You lose a case, you can appeal it up to your circuit court.

Christine Lamberson:
So if you're looking at a federal trial from 1830 or something, it was probably heard in the circuit courts. So they were the main trial courts. They also heard some appeals from the district courts and then the Supreme Court heard appeals from both of those. So it's a little bit of a different system. At that point. The Supreme Court was required to hear a lot of appeals, which is no longer the case. The judges for the circuit courts were the Supreme Court justices writing circuit, and then the district court judges. They didn't have their own judges until late in the 19th century.

Nick Capodice:
And today's case, U.S. v Burr is going to go back to that earlier time when Supreme Court judges rode circuit.

Hannah McCarthy:
Right. This is when justices traveled the country in carriages and got stuck in swamps and got sick and basically put their life on the line for the job, right?

Nick Capodice:
Yeah. That's the time period. One judge was robbed by highway bandits, broke his leg and died from circuit exhaustion before he was 48 years old.

Hannah McCarthy:
Circuit exhaustion. Did you make that up?

Nick Capodice:
No. It's a real thing. It's what it said. I read it on a website.

Hannah McCarthy:
Okay. And you said Burr v us. Are we talking about the Burr?

Nick Capodice:
The Burr. Indeed we sure are.

Archival:
Pardon me. Are you Aaron Burr, sir? That depends. Who's asking. Oh, well, sure, sir.

Nick Capodice:
That is the depiction of Aaron Burr in the wonderful, enormously popular musical Hamilton. Come on the show anytime to set us straight if we mess this up, Mr. Miranda. But this treason trial is not due to the famed duel where he killed Alexander Hamilton.

Hannah McCarthy:
All right, let's do a quick crib notes on Aaron Burr. What did he do, Nick?

Nancy Isenberg:
Yeah, Aaron Burr was an extremely important politician in the early republic, particularly in New York. And what we have to understand about politics in the early republic is that your connection to your state was essential to be a player in federal politics.

Nick Capodice:
That's Nancy Isenberg. She's a professor at Louisiana State University and author of Fallen founder The Life of Aaron Burr. Burr was a lawyer in New York and he lived with his wife, Theodosia. Theodosia dies in 1794 after a long illness and in seven. In 1797 Burr is elected to the U.S. Senate. And as Nancy pointed out, your position as a player in your state was far more important than it is today.

Hannah McCarthy:
Why was your state connection so powerful back then?

Nick Capodice:
Well, for one thing, there were fewer states. Burr was one of 32 U.S. senators, not 100. And when it came to the House. New York had ten seats out of 104 in the House of Representatives. So your state wielded a lot more political power. And Aaron Burr, backed by that power, ran for president in 1800.

Hannah McCarthy:
Oh, that election.

Nick Capodice:
That was such a bonkers election.

Nancy Isenberg:
During the election of 1800. As you know, there's a tie. And that means the decision has to be made in the House of Representatives and there's negotiations.

Hannah McCarthy:
Is this the only tie so far in U.S.. history

Nick Capodice:
So far it is. What happens is written out in the Constitution, Article two, Section one,"If there be more than one who have such majority and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot, one of them for president," and that choosing by a ballot was contentious. They voted 36 times in the House without picking a winner.

Nancy Isenberg:
And at that moment, people start accusing Burr of trying to steal the election, which he did not do, and all the evidence that exists, one of the key players who was a federalist and had thrown their support to Burr thinking they could work with him better than Jefferson admits that Burr would never work with them. But what that does is it creates a climate of distrust. And Burr and Jefferson were never really that close. They they respected each other. But Jefferson is really Virginian, you know. He trusts people who are like him, people from Virginia. So what happens is that starts rumors.

Hannah McCarthy:
What kind of rumors are we talking about?

Nick Capodice:
Rumors that Burr was trying to steal the presidency from Jefferson. But in the end, Jefferson won. And because Burr did not win, he served as VP for four years. Burr then ran for governor of New York in April 1804. He lost. And here's where the trouble really starts for him. It came out that his political rival, Alexander Hamilton, apparently said some bad stuff about Burr at a dinner party.

Hannah McCarthy:
What did Hamilton say?

Nick Capodice:
According to someone who attended the dinner? Hamilton referred to Burr as a,"dangerous man."

Hannah McCarthy:
Whoa.

Nick Capodice:
And a feud, a feud of letters between Byrne Hamilton escalated to a duel in Weehawken, New Jersey, where Burr fired a bullet that lodged in Hamilton's spine, killing him, which I first learned about, interestingly, from a got milk commercial in the nineties.

Archival:
(commercial)

Nick Capodice:
Anyways.

Nancy Isenberg:
But essentially that led to the duel. And then the duel. What happens is that Hamilton's reputation before the duel had really dropped because of the Reynolds scandal, the adultery scandal. He was no longer influential in the Adams administration. And suddenly, after the duel, he's turned into a martyr. And then New York and New Jersey decide that they're going to try to prosecute Burr for murder for the duel. New Yorkers eventually drop it. New Jersey pushes it, and it's all because it's Hamilton's friends who push for that. So Burr has to leave New York, and this is when he begins to think about the filibuster.

Hannah McCarthy:
The filibuster?

Nick Capodice:
Yeah.

Hannah McCarthy:
Aaron Burr is thinking about reading Green Eggs and Ham to block a bill from being passed.

Nick Capodice:
No, no, no. Not that filibuster.

Nancy Isenberg:
Filibuster does not mean an effort to stop the passage of legislation in Congress. This was the older it comes from the Dutch and the Spanish, and it refers to organizing a private army as a way to essentially trigger some kind of rebellion and then have the regular army move in or as a way to appropriate more land.

Hannah McCarthy:
Okay. So people would raise a private army to incite political turmoil in other countries lands. Take that land and sell it to the US government.

Nancy Isenberg:
Yeah. And you may think, well that's outrageous, but in fact it wasn't illegal. Which tells us something about how different the early republic was and that Americans acquired so much land trying to provoke conflicts. This is actually how the Mexican war was started. This is remember what the Texas independence was, not Texas independence. It was a group of Americans who invaded and then created rebellion. So this unfortunate pattern was quite common, and Jefferson and Madison were not opposed.

Nick Capodice:
Burr starts filibustering out West in 1805, but the trouble for him starts when the district attorney in Kentucky, Hamilton Davies, tries to arrest him.

Hannah McCarthy:
So there's another Hamilton in this story.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, there is Joseph Hamilton Davies, who was very upset about the duel with the other Hamilton.

Nancy Isenberg:
So he goes after Burr and tries to prosecute him because he's angry. And I have this seen this in his letter. He's angry because Burr killed Hamilton. But Burr's defended by Henry Clay and himself, of course. So he escapes Kentucky. He's also arrested in Mississippi territory. The jury also finds him not guilty. But the the real danger that I highlight is that the reason that there was so much of a response to what Burr was doing and people were following his actions, and then it gets exaggerated. In the newspapers, like in Kentucky, they were they began to claim he has an army of 2000 and it's in the newspapers. Unfortunately, Jefferson believes the newspapers. He believes it probable that this news of an army being led by Burr is real.

Hannah McCarthy:
Okay. While on principle, I'm not sure how I feel about filibustering, I'm not entirely sure why it's a problem for Burr to be filibustering and leading an army if a bunch of other people were doing the exact same thing.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah. The trouble is, rumors of Burr's army are that it is very large. And Hamilton Davies writes Jefferson to say that Burr intends to form a new independent nation. Now, Thomas Jefferson dismisses these accusations at first, but then he gets a letter from a guy who had been working with Burr: General James Wilkinson.

Nancy Isenberg:
General James... He was he was a real wheeler and dealer. He actually sent a messenger to Jefferson with the secret note hidden in his shoe, supposedly giving him this this very important intelligence.

Hannah McCarthy:
A secret note hidden in a shoe? What is this, Nancy Drew?

Nancy Isenberg:
I mean, talk about spycraft. This is essentially who Wilkinson was. And unfortunately, he ensnared Jefferson. And then Jefferson goes too far.

Nick Capodice:
Jefferson issues a proclamation that various and sundry people are, quote, conspiring and confederating. And when Congress pressures him to be a little more specific who he's talking about, he finally names Aaron Burr as the prime mover of it all. Burr is eventually brought to Virginia under escort, where he is to be put on trial in the Fifth Circuit Court for treason.

Hannah McCarthy:
Why Virginia?

Nick Capodice:
Well, the supposed crime of Burr raising an army happened in a place called Blennerhassett Island, which was part of Virginia. Now it's in West Virginia.

Hannah McCarthy:
Blennerhassett.

Nick Capodice:
Blennerhassett. I could go on at length here about a speech given at the trial called Who Is Blennerhassett, which was recited in public schools for a century later, oddly enough. But I'm going to just skip it all and say that's where the supposed treason took place.

Hannah McCarthy:
All right. Real quick, can we define treason?

Nick Capodice:
Yes. Article three, Section three, in the US Constitution says treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. Now, there's also a second part, Hannah, which turns up in this case that, quote, No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act or a confession in open court. So we get to the trial. But first, quick break.

Hannah McCarthy:
And before that break, just a reminder that we make something called extra credit. It's a newsletter. It is delivered every other week into your inbox, and it's where we put all of the good stuff. That we want to put in the episodes, but our editor makes us cut. You can subscribe at our website, civics101podcast.org.

Hannah McCarthy:
Okay. We're back, Nick. Let's get to the trial.

Nick Capodice:
The trial, United States versus Aaron Burr. 1807. Here we go. The charge, one count of treason, one count of high misdemeanor for, "unlawfully, falsely, maliciously and traitorous Lee intending to raise and levy war on the US." The prosecution team, which was led by sitting President Thomas Jefferson, included William Wirt and George Hay.

Hannah McCarthy:
I just want to make sure I understand. Jefferson paused his presidential duties to run a trial.

Nick Capodice:
Well, he wasn't there exactly, but he directed the moves of the prosecutorial team from the White House.

Hannah McCarthy:
Okay, so that's the prosecution side. Who was on the defense?

Nick Capodice:
Here's Nancy Isenberg again.

Nancy Isenberg:
Burr's defense team is what we can call a dream team. First of all, he played a role in his own defense, acting as his own counsel. And Burr was an extremely talented lawyer. Secondly, he had the Virginian, Edmund Randolph, who had been Washington's attorney general and the secretary of state, part of the Randolph dynasty. He, the person who was the real brains on the dream team was a man by the name of John Wickham, who you've probably never heard of. He was the most important and influential lawyer in Virginia at the time.

Nick Capodice:
There was a jury, a grand jury, and the judge who ran the show, none other than chief justice of the Supreme Court, John Marshall. Riding that circuit.

Hannah McCarthy:
That Marshall is everywhere. And by the way, if anyone wants to know more about Justice John Marshall, listen to our episode on the judicial branch. He was chief justice in Marbury v Madison. Or we've got a whole episode on just Marshall.

Nick Capodice:
Remember, Marshall needs two people to testify that Burr planned to levy war on the U.S. and here is where things start to fall apart for the prosecution.

Nancy Isenberg:
What happens is the trial begins and several things happen. First of all, Burr admits at the very beginning, he says, Yes, I was basically engaging in a filibuster. And then what ends up being proven is one of the star witnesses, a guy named William Eaton.

Nick Capodice:
Eaton was also engaged in filibustering and he testified that Burr was going to lead an army to create a new government. But then Burr's defense is like, Hey, Eaton, isn't it true that the federal government gave you $10,000 after your deposition for this case? And Eaton was like, Yeah, but that was for something else. And his testimony loses a lot of credibility.

Nancy Isenberg:
And then they move on to another witness who ends up being a witness for Burr, saying, I never heard Burr ever say anything about trying to topple the West. And then Eaton's charges were that Burr was going to come east and conquer the whole United States and even cut Jefferson's thought. So you can understand why Eaton ended up being a very unreliable witness.

Nick Capodice:
The Keystone witness for the prosecution was that shoe secret smuggler General James Wilkinson, who had evidence a letter in cipher in code from Burr to him that laid out the whole plan.

Nancy Isenberg:
So Wilkinson, the star witness, ends up being a complete failure. Well, first of all, as the editor of the Burr Papers discovered, the letter wasn't even written by Burr. It was written by Jonathan Dayton, who is a friend of Burr, who was involved in the filibuster, senator from New Jersey. And then on top of it, it's quite clear when Wilkinson hands over the letter that he's doctored it. That's because he tried to remove the part where he's implicated.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is not going well for the Jefferson team.

Nick Capodice:
It's not. There's even a funny moment when Wilkinson comes in the courtroom. It was written about by a man reporting on the trial. Washington Irving.

Hannah McCarthy:
Like the author of The Legend of Sleepy Hollow.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah!

Hannah McCarthy:
This trial has everything. So what happens when Wilkinson shows up?

Nick Capodice:
Irving said General Wilkinson moved into the courtroom, quote, swelling like a turkey cock.

Nancy Isenberg:
And he gives this incredible description and he wore this elaborate uniform that his wife had made for him with epaulets and make him look like he's really important when he walks into the court. Washington Irving describes how there's kind of a pause, and then suddenly someone says something to Burr. He looks at Wilkinson, and this is what Irving says he gets. He gives gives one of his classic stares, you know, his his he basically looks at Wilkinson and dismisses him and then turns around and continues conversing with his defense. So Wilkinson's grand entrance is deflated.

Nick Capodice:
Wilkinson, even though he had that nice uniform his wife's sewed, never got to testify because he had doctored the deciphered letter. So it is a shambles. But before I tell you the verdict, there is one civics feature in this case I want to bring up. Something that's been in the news in the last few years, the notion of executive privilege. Aaron Burr said that for this trial to be fair, President Jefferson had to provide documents and evidence. This is the shoe letter, among other things. And Justice Marshall had to decide, can a president be subpoenaed?

Hannah McCarthy:
What did he decide?

Nick Capodice:
He says they can. And you can see Burr's subpoena to President Jefferson in the Library of Congress. But Marshall also said that a president can withhold certain information based on their privilege. So what Jefferson did is he gave some evidence, but not all of what Burr asked for. And this question of can a president withhold specific evidence was brought up again in the wake of Watergate and U.S. v Nixon in 1974.

Archival:
In fact, we go back to Chief Justice Marshall's opinion in the Burr case, where exactly the same suggestion was made by the United States attorney in opposing the subpoena that Burr hadn't specified which portions of General Wilkinson's letter. We're really going to be material...

Hannah McCarthy:
All right. I have a pretty good idea of the outcome of the trial, but give it to me.

Nick Capodice:
The jury came back pretty quickly with the following verdict. We of the jury say that Aaron Burr is not proved to be guilty under this indictment by any evidence submitted to us. We therefore find him not guilty. What's interesting is they don't say he's not guilty. They say based on the evidence provided to us, we can't say he's guilty.

Hannah McCarthy:
Well, that's technically how it should always go.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, that's like...

Hannah McCarthy:
It's based on the evidence.

Nancy Isenberg:
And this is what's interesting. I think Marshall realized he realizes that all of this, the hubbub around Burr had been created by gossip and rumor that what the newspapers printed and then it circulates. And he basically said he was unwilling to allow rumor to convict a man of what he called the most atrocious crime of treason. So he did this was this was a very important thing separating the difference, fact versus fantasy, something Americans need to learn today. This is what John Marshall was saying. It has to be based on evidence. You have to have real witnesses. It has to be compelling evidence, particularly if you're going to make the incredible charge that he has committed treason. Because what is the punishment for treason? Death.

Hannah McCarthy:
All right. So Burr's found not guilty. What happens next?

Nick Capodice:
Aaron Burr realizes he's not going to have much success. He's not going to have a big comeback politically. He goes to Europe for four years. He becomes best friends with the philosopher Jeremy Bentham.

Hannah McCarthy:
You're kidding me. The philosopher Bentham?

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, the very same. And Burr has dreams about filibustering again in Mexico or Florida, but that never comes to fruition.

Nancy Isenberg:
The weird thing about Burr is, given everything that's happened to him, he doesn't kind of go into a depression. He maintains connections. He has a disastrous second marriage, which was a major mistake for him, where he thought he was going to be able to recoup some of his clients. He's always struggling with finances, as they all were. Like Hamilton, Jefferson, struggling with debt. He's but he's never a player again. He's never going to wield political power, run for office. That whole part of his life is over. If we think about this trial, it's a perfect example of how a president abuses their power. Jefferson and most scholars agree with this. Jefferson stepped over a line. As I said, even John Adams was shocked by Jefferson's declaration that Burr was guilty.

Nick Capodice:
Jefferson, who was not a fan of Chief Justice Marshall and decidedly not a fan of the decision to acquit Burr. After the trial, he proposed an amendment to the Constitution where a president could remove federal judges by order of Congress. The Constitution, as written, says that judges can only be impeached by a vote in the House and then removed by a trial in the Senate. Jefferson wanted to make it easier than that, and he claimed that these judges were acting, quote, independent of the nation. Now, this didn't happen. Marshall was not impeached and removed, but Jefferson tried.

Hannah McCarthy:
What's interesting to me about this case is that we have a contested election. Allegations of treason, overreach of executive power, and a president who feels the judicial branch has too much power. 220 years have passed and all of this is still going on.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah. And Nancy said to me that if there's one thing we should focus on, it's Jefferson's involvement in the case. You got a president targeting a political enemy and telling the American people that that person is guilty.

Nancy Isenberg:
So when the president makes that kind of public declaration, they can provoke violence or in this case, bias the entire proceeding, which is what it ended up working against Jefferson because of Burr's legal team that they were so effective in just shooting down the really weak case that the prosecution had. But it could have gone if it had been someone else. And it's one of those rare moments on the courtroom proceedings really work the way they should, as opposed to just people following their confirmed biases or their distorted way or just following Jefferson's lead.

Nick Capodice:
That’s it for this episode on our first federal treason trial, special thanks to the American Bar Association for suggesting this series, visit the page for this episode on our website civics101podcast.org (also a link in the show notes) to see some wonderful teaching resources for this trial courtesy of the Federal Judicial Center. This episode was written and produced by me Nick Capodice with Hannah McCarthy, our staff includes Jacqui Fulton, Christina Phillips is our Senior Producer and Rebecca Lavoie our executive producer. Music in this episode by Chris Zabriskie, Bonnie Grace, Margarita, Peter Sandberg, Strom, Nylonia, Christian Anderson, Stationary Sign, Jahzaar, Needledrop Records, Blue Dot Sessions, Dyalla, Scott Holmes, and Kevin McCloud. Civics 101 is a production of NHPR New Hampshire Public Radio

Nick Capodice:
BLENNERHASSETT

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Transcript

Archival: Whenever you're ready, Mr. Chief Justice. And may it please the Court and please the Court. Mr. Chief Justice. At least the facts of this case appeared in 1777 in Philadelphia...This case concerns the federal drug conspiracy statute...This case presents to this court the questions of whether Miranda versus Arizona and Westover versus.

Nick Capodice: Hannah. It's no secret. You know, I'm a little bit obsessed with Supreme [00:00:30] Court history.

Hannah McCarthy: Just a little. Yeah, yeah, I know.

Nick Capodice: The robes, the oyez chant,

Archival: Oyez, oyez!

Nick Capodice: Two advocates in a room debating cases with nine justices. It's almost a philosophical exercise.

Hannah McCarthy: It makes you very emotional.

Nick Capodice: But it's not the entire picture of our judicial system. Now, you've pored over dozens of landmark Supreme Court cases, and don't you dare deny it. [00:01:00] You're a big fan of courtroom dramas.

Hannah McCarthy: Yep.

Nick Capodice: So tell me what is missing from the hallowed sessions in the highest court of the land that you get in those courtroom dramas?

Hannah McCarthy: I mean, everything everything is missing, right? It's it's the laws that are on trial, not the human beings. There's no jury. There's no cross examination, no gavels, which, like, they could at least throw in some gavels. No one's like shouting. I object. Although apparently that doesn't actually happen very often in court. No surprise witnesses. [00:01:30] There's no presentation of evidence. There's no ruling by the judge right then and there. Come to think of it, the people involved in the cases usually aren't even in the.

Christine Lamberson: Every once in a while, like Plessy versus Ferguson. I used to teach U.S. history. So you actually talk about who Homer Plessy was, but you hardly ever talk about the students in Brown versus Board.

Nick Capodice: This is Christine Lamberson. She works at the Federal Judicial Center, which is the Research and Education [00:02:00] Agency of the federal courts. And earlier this year, I spoke to her and some folks from the American Bar Association who asked, hey, why haven't you done any episodes on federal court cases? This is where the action happens. This is where people and the courts meet. And this is Civics 101. I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice: And this is the first in a series about historic federal court cases. Today, we're going to talk about the trial of [00:02:30] the century, one of the first cases ever related to something very serious. Article three, Section three in the Constitution, treason.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay, before we get into treason, why are federal courts the place to examine it?

Nick Capodice: Right. Here's Christine again.

Christine Lamberson: First of all, the vast majority of cases that go through the federal courts are not going to make it to the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court; certainly currently this is especially true. The Supreme Court currently hears 100 [00:03:00] to 150 cases per year, whereas thousands, tens of thousands of court cases are heard by courts of appeals, hundreds of thousands by district courts.

Hannah McCarthy: This is a good point. I mean, much like the executive branch is not just the president, but also 4 million other Americans. The vast majority of the judiciary is in these lower courts.

Christine Lamberson: Historically, I think also we can get a sense of how [00:03:30] people interact with the courts. When you're looking at a trial, for example, as opposed to a Supreme Court case at the trial, you are going to have individual Americans who are not lawyers arguing about the law, coming and telling their stories and talking about their experiences and interacting with the federal legal system. So if you're looking at a trial, we're going to be able to get a sense of how individual [00:04:00] Americans throughout history were interacting with the legal system that we don't tend to get when we look at the Supreme Court level decisions.

Nick Capodice: And to remind you, the Supreme Court was not always the body who made these decisions on what was and was not constitutional. Yes, they do that now. But initially they had another job and it was in our circuit courts of appeals. You lose a case, you can appeal it up to your circuit court.

Christine Lamberson: So if you're looking at a federal trial [00:04:30] from 1830 or something, it was probably heard in the circuit courts. So they were the main trial courts. They also heard some appeals from the district courts and then the Supreme Court heard appeals from both of those. So it's a little bit of a different system. At that point. The Supreme Court was required to hear a lot of appeals, which is no longer the case. The judges for the circuit courts were the Supreme Court justices writing circuit, and then the district court judges. They didn't have their own judges until late [00:05:00] in the 19th century.

Nick Capodice: And today's case, U.S. v Burr is going to go back to that earlier time when Supreme Court judges rode circuit.

Hannah McCarthy: Right. This is when justices traveled the country in carriages and got stuck in swamps and got sick and basically put their life on the line for the job, right?

Nick Capodice: Yeah. That's the time period. One judge was robbed by highway bandits, broke his leg and died from circuit exhaustion before he was 48 years old.

Hannah McCarthy: Circuit exhaustion. Did you make that up?

Nick Capodice: No. It's a real thing. [00:05:30] It's what it said. I read it on a website.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. And you said Burr v us. Are we talking about the Burr?

Nick Capodice: The Burr. Indeed we sure are.

Archival: Pardon me. Are you Aaron Burr, sir? That depends. Who's asking. Oh, well, sure, sir.

Nick Capodice: That is the depiction of Aaron Burr in the wonderful, enormously popular musical Hamilton. Come on the show anytime to set us straight if we mess this up, Mr. Miranda. But this treason trial is not due to the famed duel where he killed Alexander Hamilton.

Hannah McCarthy: All right, [00:06:00] let's do a quick crib notes on Aaron Burr. What did he do, Nick?

Nancy Isenberg: Yeah, Aaron Burr was an extremely important politician in the early republic, particularly in New York. And what we have to understand about politics in the early republic is that your connection to your state was essential to be a player in federal politics.

Nick Capodice: That's Nancy Isenberg. She's a professor at Louisiana State University and author of Fallen founder The Life of Aaron Burr. Burr was a lawyer [00:06:30] in New York and he lived with his wife, Theodosia. Theodosia dies in 1794 after a long illness and in seven. In 1797 Burr is elected to the U.S. Senate. And as Nancy pointed out, your position as a player in your state was far more important than it is today.

Hannah McCarthy: Why was your state connection so powerful back then?

Nick Capodice: Well, for one thing, there were fewer states. Burr was one of 32 U.S. senators, not 100. And when it came to the House. [00:07:00] New York had ten seats out of 104 in the House of Representatives. So your state wielded a lot more political power. And Aaron Burr, backed by that power, ran for president in 1800.

Hannah McCarthy: Oh, that election.

Nick Capodice: That was such a bonkers election.

Nancy Isenberg: During the election of 1800. As you know, there's a tie. And that means the decision has to be made in the House of Representatives and there's negotiations.

Hannah McCarthy: Is this the only tie so far in U.S.. history

Nick Capodice: So far it is. What [00:07:30] happens is written out in the Constitution, Article two, Section one,"If there be more than one who have such majority and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot, one of them for president," and that choosing by a ballot was contentious. They voted 36 times in the House without picking a winner.

Nancy Isenberg: And at that moment, people start accusing Burr of trying to steal the election, which he did not do, and all the evidence that exists, one of the key players who was [00:08:00] a federalist and had thrown their support to Burr thinking they could work with him better than Jefferson admits that Burr would never work with them. But what that does is it creates a climate of distrust. And Burr and Jefferson were never really that close. They they respected each other. But Jefferson is really Virginian, you know. He trusts people who are like him, people from Virginia. So what happens is that starts rumors.

Hannah McCarthy: What kind of rumors are we talking about?

Nick Capodice: Rumors that Burr was [00:08:30] trying to steal the presidency from Jefferson. But in the end, Jefferson won. And because Burr did not win, he served as VP for four years. Burr then ran for governor of New York in April 1804. He lost. And here's where the trouble really starts for him. It came out that his political rival, Alexander Hamilton, apparently said some bad stuff about Burr at a dinner party.

Hannah McCarthy: What did Hamilton say?

Nick Capodice: According to someone who attended the dinner? Hamilton referred [00:09:00] to Burr as a,"dangerous man."

Hannah McCarthy: Whoa.

Nick Capodice: And a feud, a feud of letters between Byrne Hamilton escalated to a duel in Weehawken, New Jersey, where Burr fired a bullet that lodged in Hamilton's spine, killing him, which I first learned about, interestingly, from a got milk commercial in the nineties.

Archival: (commercial)

Nick Capodice: Anyways. [00:09:30]

Nancy Isenberg: But essentially that led to the duel. And then the duel. What happens is that Hamilton's reputation before the duel had really dropped because of the Reynolds scandal, the adultery scandal. He was no longer influential in the Adams administration. And suddenly, after the duel, he's turned into a martyr. And then New York and New Jersey decide that they're going to [00:10:00] try to prosecute Burr for murder for the duel. New Yorkers eventually drop it. New Jersey pushes it, and it's all because it's Hamilton's friends who push for that. So Burr has to leave New York, and this is when he begins to think about the filibuster.

Hannah McCarthy: The filibuster?

Nick Capodice: Yeah.

Hannah McCarthy: Aaron Burr is thinking about reading Green Eggs and Ham to block a bill from being passed.

Nick Capodice: No, no, no. Not that filibuster.

Nancy Isenberg: Filibuster does not mean an effort [00:10:30] to stop the passage of legislation in Congress. This was the older it comes from the Dutch and the Spanish, and it refers to organizing a private army as a way to essentially trigger some kind of rebellion and then have the regular army move in or as a way to appropriate more land.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. So people would raise a private army to incite political turmoil [00:11:00] in other countries lands. Take that land and sell it to the US government.

Nancy Isenberg: Yeah. And you may think, well that's outrageous, but in fact it wasn't illegal. Which tells us something about how different the early republic was and that Americans acquired so much land trying to provoke conflicts. This is actually how the Mexican war was started. This is remember what the Texas independence [00:11:30] was, not Texas independence. It was a group of Americans who invaded and then created rebellion. So this unfortunate pattern was quite common, and Jefferson and Madison were not opposed.

Nick Capodice: Burr starts filibustering out West in 1805, but the trouble for him starts when the district attorney in Kentucky, Hamilton Davies, tries to arrest him.

Hannah McCarthy: So there's another Hamilton in this story.

Nick Capodice: Yeah, there is Joseph Hamilton Davies, who was very upset about the duel with the other Hamilton. [00:12:00]

Nancy Isenberg: So he goes after Burr and tries to prosecute him because he's angry. And I have this seen this in his letter. He's angry because Burr killed Hamilton. But Burr's defended by Henry Clay and himself, of course. So he escapes Kentucky. He's also arrested in Mississippi territory. The jury also finds him not guilty. But the the real danger that I highlight is that the reason that there [00:12:30] was so much of a response to what Burr was doing and people were following his actions, and then it gets exaggerated. In the newspapers, like in Kentucky, they were they began to claim he has an army of 2000 and it's in the newspapers. Unfortunately, Jefferson believes the newspapers. He believes it probable that this news of an army being led by Burr is real.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. While on principle, I'm not sure how I feel about filibustering, I'm not entirely sure why it's a problem for [00:13:00] Burr to be filibustering and leading an army if a bunch of other people were doing the exact same thing.

Nick Capodice: Yeah. The trouble is, rumors of Burr's army are that it is very large. And Hamilton Davies writes Jefferson to say that Burr intends to form a new independent nation. Now, Thomas Jefferson dismisses these accusations at first, but then he gets a letter from a guy who had been working with Burr: General James Wilkinson.

Nancy Isenberg: General James... He was he was a real [00:13:30] wheeler and dealer. He actually sent a messenger to Jefferson with the secret note hidden in his shoe, supposedly giving him this this very important intelligence.

Hannah McCarthy: A secret note hidden in a shoe? What is this, Nancy Drew?

Nancy Isenberg: I mean, talk about spycraft. This is essentially who Wilkinson was. And unfortunately, he ensnared Jefferson. And then Jefferson goes too far.

Nick Capodice: Jefferson issues a proclamation that various and sundry people [00:14:00] are, quote, conspiring and confederating. And when Congress pressures him to be a little more specific who he's talking about, he finally names Aaron Burr as the prime mover of it all. Burr is eventually brought to Virginia under escort, where he is to be put on trial in the Fifth Circuit Court for treason.

Hannah McCarthy: Why Virginia?

Nick Capodice: Well, the supposed crime of Burr raising an army happened in a place called Blennerhassett Island, which was part of Virginia. Now it's in West Virginia. [00:14:30]

Hannah McCarthy: Blennerhassett.

Nick Capodice: Blennerhassett. I could go on at length here about a speech given at the trial called Who Is Blennerhassett, which was recited in public schools for a century later, oddly enough. But I'm going to just skip it all and say that's where the supposed treason took place.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. Real quick, can we define treason?

Nick Capodice: Yes. Article three, Section three, in the US Constitution says treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid [00:15:00] and comfort. Now, there's also a second part, Hannah, which turns up in this case that, quote, No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act or a confession in open court. So we get to the trial. But first, quick break.

Hannah McCarthy: And before that break, just a reminder that we make something called extra credit. It's a newsletter. It is delivered every other week into your inbox, and it's where we put all of the good stuff. That we want to put in the episodes, but our editor makes us cut. You can subscribe [00:15:30] at our website, civics101podcast.org.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. We're back, Nick. Let's get to the trial.

Nick Capodice: The trial, United States versus Aaron Burr. 1807. Here we go. The charge, one count of treason, one count of high misdemeanor for, "unlawfully, falsely, maliciously and traitorous Lee intending to raise and levy war on the US." The [00:16:00] prosecution team, which was led by sitting President Thomas Jefferson, included William Wirt and George Hay.

Hannah McCarthy: I just want to make sure I understand. Jefferson paused his presidential duties to run a trial.

Nick Capodice: Well, he wasn't there exactly, but he directed the moves of the prosecutorial team from the White House.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay, so that's the prosecution side. Who was on the defense?

Nick Capodice: Here's Nancy Isenberg again.

Nancy Isenberg: Burr's defense team is what we can call a dream team. First of all, he played a role in his own defense, acting [00:16:30] as his own counsel. And Burr was an extremely talented lawyer. Secondly, he had the Virginian, Edmund Randolph, who had been Washington's attorney general and the secretary of state, part of the Randolph dynasty. He, the person who was the real brains on the dream team was a man by the name of John Wickham, who you've probably never heard of. He was the most important and influential lawyer in Virginia at the time.

Nick Capodice: There was a jury, a grand jury, and the judge who ran the show, [00:17:00] none other than chief justice of the Supreme Court, John Marshall. Riding that circuit.

Hannah McCarthy: That Marshall is everywhere. And by the way, if anyone wants to know more about Justice John Marshall, listen to our episode on the judicial branch. He was chief justice in Marbury v Madison. Or we've got a whole episode on just Marshall.

Nick Capodice: Remember, Marshall needs two people to testify that Burr planned to levy war on the U.S. and here is where things start to fall apart for the prosecution.

Nancy Isenberg: What happens is the [00:17:30] trial begins and several things happen. First of all, Burr admits at the very beginning, he says, Yes, I was basically engaging in a filibuster. And then what ends up being proven is one of the star witnesses, a guy named William Eaton.

Nick Capodice: Eaton was also engaged in filibustering and he testified that Burr was going to lead an army to create a new government. But then Burr's defense is like, Hey, Eaton, isn't it true that the federal government gave you $10,000 after [00:18:00] your deposition for this case? And Eaton was like, Yeah, but that was for something else. And his testimony loses a lot of credibility.

Nancy Isenberg: And then they move on to another witness who ends up being a witness for Burr, saying, I never heard Burr ever say anything about trying to topple the West. And then Eaton's charges were that Burr was going to come east and conquer the whole United States and even cut Jefferson's thought. So you can understand why Eaton ended up being a very unreliable witness. [00:18:30]

Nick Capodice: The Keystone witness for the prosecution was that shoe secret smuggler General James Wilkinson, who had evidence a letter in cipher in code from Burr to him that laid out the whole plan.

Nancy Isenberg: So Wilkinson, the star witness, ends up being a complete failure. Well, first of all, as the editor of the Burr Papers discovered, the letter wasn't even written by Burr. It was written by Jonathan Dayton, who is a friend of Burr, [00:19:00] who was involved in the filibuster, senator from New Jersey. And then on top of it, it's quite clear when Wilkinson hands over the letter that he's doctored it. That's because he tried to remove the part where he's implicated.

Hannah McCarthy: This is not going well for the Jefferson team.

Nick Capodice: It's not. There's even a funny moment when Wilkinson comes in the courtroom. It was written about by a man reporting on the trial. Washington Irving.

Hannah McCarthy: Like the author of The Legend of Sleepy Hollow.

Nick Capodice: Yeah!

Hannah McCarthy: This trial has everything. So what happens when Wilkinson [00:19:30] shows up?

Nick Capodice: Irving said General Wilkinson moved into the courtroom, quote, swelling like a turkey cock.

Nancy Isenberg: And he gives this incredible description and he wore this elaborate uniform that his wife had made for him with epaulets and make him look like he's really important when he walks into the court. Washington Irving describes how there's kind of a pause, and then suddenly someone says something to Burr. He looks [00:20:00] at Wilkinson, and this is what Irving says he gets. He gives gives one of his classic stares, you know, his his he basically looks at Wilkinson and dismisses him and then turns around and continues conversing with his defense. So Wilkinson's grand entrance is deflated.

Nick Capodice: Wilkinson, even though he had that nice uniform his wife's sewed, never got to testify because he had doctored the deciphered letter. So [00:20:30] it is a shambles. But before I tell you the verdict, there is one civics feature in this case I want to bring up. Something that's been in the news in the last few years, the notion of executive privilege. Aaron Burr said that for this trial to be fair, President Jefferson had to provide documents and evidence. This is the shoe letter, among other things. And Justice Marshall had to decide, can a president be subpoenaed?

Hannah McCarthy: What did he decide?

Nick Capodice: He says they can. [00:21:00] And you can see Burr's subpoena to President Jefferson in the Library of Congress. But Marshall also said that a president can withhold certain information based on their privilege. So what Jefferson did is he gave some evidence, but not all of what Burr asked for. And this question of can a president withhold specific evidence was brought up again in the wake of Watergate and U.S. v Nixon in 1974.

Archival: In fact, we go back to Chief Justice Marshall's [00:21:30] opinion in the Burr case, where exactly the same suggestion was made by the United States attorney in opposing the subpoena that Burr hadn't specified which portions of General Wilkinson's letter. We're really going to be material...

Hannah McCarthy: All right. I have a pretty good idea of the outcome of the trial, but give it to me.

Nick Capodice: The jury came back pretty quickly with the following verdict. We of the jury say that Aaron Burr is not proved to be guilty under this indictment by any evidence submitted to us. We therefore find him not guilty. [00:22:00] What's interesting is they don't say he's not guilty. They say based on the evidence provided to us, we can't say he's guilty.

Hannah McCarthy: Well, that's technically how it should always go.

Nick Capodice: Yeah, that's like...

Hannah McCarthy: It's based on the evidence.

Nancy Isenberg: And this is what's interesting. I think Marshall realized he realizes that all of this, the hubbub around Burr had been created by gossip and rumor that what the newspapers printed and [00:22:30] then it circulates. And he basically said he was unwilling to allow rumor to convict a man of what he called the most atrocious crime of treason. So he did this was this was a very important thing separating the difference, fact versus fantasy, something Americans need to learn today. This is what John Marshall was saying. It has to be based on evidence. You have to have real witnesses. It has to be compelling evidence, particularly if you're going to make the incredible charge that he has committed treason. Because [00:23:00] what is the punishment for treason? Death.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. So Burr's found not guilty. What happens next?

Nick Capodice: Aaron Burr realizes he's not going to have much success. He's not going to have a big comeback politically. He goes to Europe for four years. He becomes best friends with the philosopher Jeremy Bentham.

Hannah McCarthy: You're kidding me. The philosopher Bentham?

Nick Capodice: Yeah, the very same. And Burr has dreams about filibustering again in Mexico or Florida, but that never comes to [00:23:30] fruition.

Nancy Isenberg: The weird thing about Burr is, given everything that's happened to him, he doesn't kind of go into a depression. He maintains connections. He has a disastrous second marriage, which was a major mistake for him, where he thought he was going to be able to recoup some of his clients. He's always struggling with finances, as they all were. Like Hamilton, Jefferson, struggling with debt. He's but he's never a player again. He's never going to [00:24:00] wield political power, run for office. That whole part of his life is over. If we think about this trial, it's a perfect example of how a president abuses their power. Jefferson and most scholars agree with this. Jefferson stepped over a line. As I said, even John Adams was shocked by Jefferson's declaration that Burr was guilty.

Nick Capodice: Jefferson, [00:24:30] who was not a fan of Chief Justice Marshall and decidedly not a fan of the decision to acquit Burr. After the trial, he proposed an amendment to the Constitution where a president could remove federal judges by order of Congress. The Constitution, as written, says that judges can only be impeached by a vote in the House and then removed by a trial in the Senate. Jefferson wanted to make it easier than that, and he claimed that these judges were acting, quote, independent of the nation. Now, this [00:25:00] didn't happen. Marshall was not impeached and removed, but Jefferson tried.

Hannah McCarthy: What's interesting to me about this case is that we have a contested election. Allegations of treason, overreach of executive power, and a president who feels the judicial branch has too much power. 220 years have passed and all of this is still going on.

Nick Capodice: Yeah. And Nancy said to me that if there's one thing we should focus on, it's Jefferson's involvement in the case. You [00:25:30] got a president targeting a political enemy and telling the American people that that person is guilty.

Nancy Isenberg: So when the president makes that kind of public declaration, they can provoke violence or in this case, bias the entire proceeding, which is what it ended up working against Jefferson because of Burr's legal team that they were so effective in just shooting down the really weak case that the prosecution had. But [00:26:00] it could have gone if it had been someone else. And it's one of those rare moments on the courtroom proceedings really work the way they should, as opposed to just people following their confirmed biases or their distorted way or just following Jefferson's lead.

Nick Capodice: That’s it for this episode on our first federal treason trial, special thanks to the American Bar Association for suggesting this series, visit the page for this episode on our website civics101podcast.org (also a link in the show notes) to see some wonderful teaching resources for this trial courtesy of the Federal Judicial Center. This episode was written and produced by me Nick Capodice with Hannah McCarthy, our staff includes Jacqui Fulton, Christina Phillips is our Senior Producer and Rebecca Lavoie our executive producer. Music in this episode by Chris Zabriskie, Bonnie Grace, Margarita, Peter Sandberg, Strom, Nylonia, Christian Anderson, Stationary Sign, Jahzaar, Needledrop Records, Blue Dot Sessions, Dyalla, Scott Holmes, and Kevin McCloud. Civics 101 is a production of NHPR New Hampshire Public Radio [00:27:00]

Nick Capodice: BLENNERHASSETT


 
 

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The 1965 Voting Rights Act: Where Does It Stand?

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We needed an Act of Congress to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment. Is it still doing its job? 

It came after decades of discrimination, violence and disenfranchisement -- President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act in 1965, "an Act to enforce the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States." That Act worked. In the decades since, though, states and the Supreme Court have changed what that Act means and can do.

Our guides to this sweeping legislation are Sonni Waknin of the UCLA Voting Rights Project and Gary May, author of Bending Towards Justice: The Voting Rights Act and the Transformation of American Democracy.

Listen here:

Transcript:

Sonni Waknin: [00:00:01] But. I took this class, called We the People in high school. It's a national competition class. And after the competition kind of aspect is over you. In my class, we just learned about moot court and redistricting and gerrymandering and civil rights law and civil liberties.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:25] This is Sonni Waknin.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:00:26] I'm the program manager and Voting Rights Council at the UCLA Voting Rights Project.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:00:31] So back in the day, Sonni was a we the people are we know a lot about we the people.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:00:36] We do indeed. We get to judge it every year in New Hampshire. It's a competition where high school students expound on the meaning, virtues and pitfalls of the Constitution and its application. So Sonni is in high school, very much tuned into the Constitution, and it's 2013. That was a big year for voting rights.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:00:56] I was very closely watching the Shelby County case. I graduated high school in 2013. I graduated high school the day that the US Supreme Court struck down Section four B, the preclearance formula that gutted the Voting Rights Act.

 

Clips: [00:01:11] And at least for now, Jake, the bottom line is that these southern states, largely southern states that had these special requirements that the federal government imposed in that 1965 Voting Rights Act, they are no longer going to have to deal with that, at least for the time being, unless Congress takes special action. And as I said, I don't anticipate that special action any time soon.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:01:32] And I decided right then and there, just sitting there, that I was going to go and be a voting rights lawyer.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:41] No. So what happened in 2013? What makes a teenager sitting at her graduation set a career path then in there? What is the Voting Rights Act and what has happened to it? That is what we are here to answer the civics one on one. I'm Hannah McCarthy.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:02:01] I'm an Nick Capodice.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:02] And today we are talking about a sweeping piece of legislation that changed voting for millions of Americans. But when we talk about the Voting Rights Act today, it is in the wake of some significant Supreme Court rulings. We are also talking about Shelby County V Holder, about Brunswick versus Democratic National Committee, about Mobile versus Bolden. But before we can get there, the act has to happen.

 

Clips: [00:02:29] Millions of Americans are denied the right to vote because of their color. This law. Will ensure them the right to vote.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:43] That's President Lyndon B Johnson on the day he signed the VRA, which in its own words, prohibits states from imposing any, quote, voting qualification or prerequisite to voting or standard practice or procedure to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color, unquote.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:03:03] And the Voting Rights Act happened for a reason, right? A huge reason. Can we start there?

 

Clips: [00:03:14] Many people predicted violence. Negro groups trained themselves to overwhelm it, armed with portable two way radios. Volunteers scattered throughout the march would keep watch. Should violence come, then that day, they would call for help.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:03:30] There was a lot of state violence towards primarily black and African American citizens in the United States who had the legal right to vote, but they were unable to access the franchise. And it could be because there was actual violence. They would come to your house and they would threaten you. Unfortunately, people were lynched during this time period for registering people to vote for trying to, and that's just even to try to register to go on the rolls. So not even to access the polling booth, but to register.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:59] You also had these targeted obstacles specifically designed to disenfranchize nonwhite voters poll taxes, which was a prerequisite fee that you had to pay in order to register to vote. Literacy tests that you had to pass in order to vote. And grandfather clauses that exempted you from obstacles if your father or grandfather had voted prior to the abolition of slavery.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:22] In other words, if you were the descendant of white people.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:25] Pretty much, and these vote denial practices, this violence against black Americans that Sonni mentioned, it was all a part of the Jim Crow era. This was a period in the United States that lasted from around 1870 to 1964, and it was typified by laws and practices that oppressed and abused black people in this country.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:46] And this era really started with the end of reconstruction, right? This is when federal troops withdrew from the south and there was no longer anyone around to enforce the Reconstruction Act and protect black American rights.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:57] And so much of that era, Nick, was about keeping black Americans away from the vote, because when reconstruction began.

 

Gary May: [00:05:06] Well, it was a historic moment, a great moment. Black participation was amazingly active there. Even two United States senators who were African American, a number of congressmen. But that period, alas, did not last very long.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:05:25] This is Gary May, author of Bending toward Justice the Voting Rights Act and the Transformation of American Democracy. When federal troops withdrew from the South, the Democratic Party gained pretty much total control.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:05:38] The Democratic Party, as a quick reminder, held very different values at this time. And one of those prevailing values was the disenfranchisement of black Americans.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:05:49] And the story of the long and persistent black American fight to regain the right to enfranchisement is where the Voting Rights Act is rooted.

 

Gary May: [00:05:58] It's a remarkable story because on the one hand, you have the advances of the reconstruction period and then retreats, and that's how their story goes. By the early 20th century, African Americans, they had lost the right to vote. They've gone from thousands to, again, a handful, particularly in the southern states. So it came very quickly advance. And then it's a retreat and we're in that period again.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:06:32] Wow. So can you go over what specifically was driving those minuscule numbers? How did we go from thousands of active black voters to so few?

 

Gary May: [00:06:41] You had African Americans participating as much as they could, these trying to vote. And the obstacles were terrible. They had to do oral testing and they received such questions as how many bubbles in a bar of soap, how many judges are in Alabama, for example, there were some 67 of them, and they were supposed to name them one by one. And if they made one mistake, the most minor of mistakes, that would be enough to disqualify them. Sometimes a group would go to the local courthouse to register to vote. And if, say, they were 12 men and women who came that day and ten say passed the questions, but the other two failed, everyone was failed.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:07:43] And like Sonni said earlier, it wasn't just laws or official practices keeping black Americans away from the polls. There was also violence, lots of it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:53] And a lot of it specific to voting.

 

Gary May: [00:07:56] Ocoee, Florida, there was an altercation. A couple of activists in the voting rights movement, July, Perry, Mose Norman. There was a confrontation between them and the white segregation. And they wound up dead and most of the town was wiped out.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:19] This is called the Ocoee Massacre. It is estimated that between 30 and 35 black individuals were murdered on November 2nd, 1920. Most black owned homes and businesses were destroyed. Hundreds of black individuals fled, and others who stayed were later murdered or driven out. All because that man who Gary mentioned, Mose Norman, tried to vote.

 

Gary May: [00:08:42] What's so extraordinary is how these people persisted. I mean, they would go back to the courthouse to register. And despite the rejection time after time, they kept on going.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:09:01] I feel like this is at the heart of the story of the Voting Rights Act. So often when we talk about why a civil right was enshrined, we talk about the oppression, the lack of autonomy or choice, the violence that preceded it. But ultimately, often, the reason something changes for the better is that a lot of people for a long time demanded that change.

 

Gary May: [00:09:26] It was primarily young people in their twenties who joined the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee or snick. They were the shock troops of the civil rights movement.

 

Clips: [00:09:38] I'm Willie Peacock, secretary for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. At president, I'm working in Greenwood, Mississippi, in lawful carry on voter registration.

 

Gary May: [00:09:48] As important as Dr. King's role is in all of this. We've again forgotten so many again of these these young people who would pick a location, for example, one of them went to Selma to work on voting rights. And again, they risked their lives. In one case, a young man was eventually attacked by Selma citizens, but he left that attack. His clothes were bloody. He was told by local activists, you know, go wash yourself. Your clothes are ripped and torn. Your you bled all over them. He said, no, I'm not going to clean myself up. I'm going to let people see what the cost of segregation is. So he continued to promote voting rights despite the fact of being bloody and beaten.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:43] This is something that Gary emphasized over and over that, yes, there were very public and connected and essential leaders of the civil rights movement like Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. And then there were the individuals and towns across the country doing anything they could to push for this American. Right.

 

Gary May: [00:11:01] There were just so many of them. One person who comes to mind was a preacher from Belzoni, Mississippi, named George Washington Lee, who had been very active in the voting rights movement and encouraged his parishioners to sign up to vote. And he, too, was shot and killed by the Ku Klux Klan. And of course, nothing happened with the case. The local sheriff refused to prosecute it. And when they examined Lee's body, which had been very badly shot to death, the local sheriff said, oh, those are those are dental fillings, not shotgun shells. And that was the end of that story. So there were so many like men, women and children who just gave up everything their jobs, their careers, and in this case, his life to fight for what should be an elementary right of every American.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:12:07] And politicians and presidents did eventually have to acknowledge the undeniable racism, disenfranchisement, wounding and killing of black Americans across the country. I mean, wasn't that the driver behind the Civil Rights Act that was passed in 1964?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:24] It was.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:12:25] So my question is why, Hannah, if we passed an act in 1964 specifically geared towards protecting rights regardless of the color of your skin or your sex, your religion? Why, then, did we still need the Voting Rights Act?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:39] Well, that particular Civil Rights Act of 1964, which was our third, by the way, tried to take care of the voting problem. The first section of the act specifically bans unequal application of voter registration requirements. It does not, however, ban burdensome requirements themselves, which tended to be and were designed to be particularly onerous to racial minorities, low income people, and people of a certain level of education. The 1964 Civil Rights Act also fails to address retaliation and violence against nonwhite people trying to vote.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:13:17] So these are some pretty big loopholes.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:13:19] Yeah. And you give states loopholes and they'll take them. Right. And states continued to. And President Lyndon Johnson watched.

 

Gary May: [00:13:31] President Johnson had been kind of ambivalent about creating a Voting Rights Act. Yes, he wanted to do it, but he was aware of the fact that he had passed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and he didn't feel that he had the authority, the power, the acceptance to now do another huge voting rights bill. What changed that, of course, was Bloody Sunday.

 

Clips: [00:14:01] Detrimental to your safety to continue this march. And I'm saying instead of an unlawful assembly, you have to pass your order to disperse, go home or go to your church. That march will not continue. The people here. Advance Group,

 

Gary May: [00:14:22] A group of marchers led by John Lewis and other activists. And they they were attacked by troops on horseback. Cattle prods almost lost their lives. Attacked by these troops, beaten, shocked by cattle prods. And what was so effective was that ABC that Sunday had shown a movie judgment at Nuremberg about the Nuremberg war trials. And that was interrupted to bring the country the first footage of Bloody Sunday. And the result was people now going to work with Dr. King. They wanted to join this movement. They wanted to to be a part of it.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:26] Boy, this really happened.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:27] Oh, yeah.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:28] People actually tuned in to watch a movie about the Nuremberg trials, and what they saw was coverage of the attacks in Selma.

 

Gary May: [00:15:34] So it's it's extraordinary that Americans got their story in this case through television and it personalized. People could feel for what was happening to African Americans. And Johnson felt he could now call upon the Congress to pass this legislation.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:15:57] August 6th, 1965, President Lyndon Baines Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act. It became the enforcer of something that was already in the Constitution, the 15th Amendment. That's the amendment that says the right to vote of citizens of the United States shall not be denied or abridged based on race, color or previous condition of servitude. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr was there. And you know, when a president signs a major bill into law, he gives ceremonial pens to people in the audience. Yeah. So MLK received the first, which. Yeah, it's kind of like the least you can do. The act specifically banned literacy tests and other devices used to disenfranchize minority voters. It prohibited intimidation, harassment or coercion of a person attempting to vote. It prohibited someone from acting under color of law to stop someone from voting. It protected minorities from vote dilution, and it established a special formula for identifying discriminatory jurisdictions. And those jurisdictions got special provisions.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:17:01] All right. I mostly don't know what any of that means.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:05] Great. That's what this show is for. So let's go through it. Write the literacy tests you've got, right?

 

Nick Capodice: [00:17:10] Yeah. Those are things that test your reading ability and comprehension. And if you fail, it prohibits you from voting, which I know disproportionately affected low income Americans, immigrants and black Americans.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:21] Right. So that's out as are the ridiculous obstacles that Gary mentioned earlier, like guessing the number of bubbles on a bar of soap or naming every judge in your state. All right. Next. Harassment and intimidation. Does that make.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:17:35] Sense? Yeah, I've got that one.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:36] All right. Color of law.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:17:38] I don't actually know what color of law means.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:40] Yeah, I had to look this up. Acting under color of law is when a person claims they are acting in accordance with the law and as an agent of it, but in actual fact might be violating the law.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:17:54] So like if the sheriff arrests somebody in line to vote because they're the sheriff, but they don't have probable cause that's acting under color of law to prevent voting.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:05] Sure. Or even if an election official prevents an eligible person from voting, claiming they have the authority that's acting under color of law. And by the way, the Voting Rights Act also very importantly established that the attorney general of the United States had the ability to enforce provisions of the Voting Rights Act.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:18:26] Got it. Next vote dilution. Is this something to do with gerrymandering? I'm just I'm not familiar with that term.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:32] Yeah. Yeah, exactly. It might be better understood as minority gerrymandering.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:18:36] All right. Got it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:37] So this could happen if the residents of a state typically engage in racially polarized voting.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:18:44] And that's like the minority group typically votes one way and the majority group typically votes the other way.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:50] Yeah. If district lines are then drawn in such a way that the minority racial group will never be able to elect its preferred candidate, that is minority vote dilution. The Voting Rights Act made that illegal, right.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:19:04] The last thing you mentioned was something about a special formula and special provisions.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:19:08] This, Nick, was a significant enforcement part of the Voting Rights Act. Congress created something that they called a coverage formula. If a state had proved particularly discriminatory, according to the formula, which takes a look at the use of literacy tests and other devices, as well as voter registration and turnout, that state would be, quote unquote, covered if a state or jurisdiction had proved particularly discriminatory, according to the formula, which takes a look at the use of literacy tests and other devices, as well as voter registration and turnout that state or jurisdiction would be. Covered. Now, if a covered jurisdiction was actively problematic, the attorney general could send in federal examiners to register voters, maintain voter rolls and examine voter registration applications. These examiners could also observe poll workers and voter conduct on Election Day.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:20:08] So the goal of all that, essentially, it's just to make sure that the Voting Rights Act is being followed in places where there are signs that it's not being followed.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:20:17] Right. Which is also to say to make sure that the 14th and 15th amendments are being followed. Oc OC Nick, one last big thing. Those covered jurisdictions were subject to something called pre-clearance.

 

Gary May: [00:20:33] One of the important aspects of the Voting Rights Act was something that's called pre-clearance. The act required that in states that were covered by the Voting Rights Act, that before they could change any important aspect of voting, they had to get the permission of the Justice Department or a federal judge. And after Shelby County, it was weakened.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:04] The story of what became of the Voting Rights Act is coming up after the break.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:21:08] But first, and here is the honest to goodness truth. All of us here at Civics 101 know the nation has changed and is changing. We know laws are coming and going. We know half of what we explained today could be gone tomorrow. So we're trying to keep up. We're doing our best to give you the tools to understand it all. We don't want you to miss it. We don't want you to feel confused. That is the whole point of this podcast. We want you to understand United States government and law. To do that, we have to keep this show up and running. And to do that, we rely on donations from those who have the ability to give. If you have the time and the spare change, consider making a donation at civics101podcast.org.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:51] There's also a link in the show notes. Do it because you want to keep knowing. Thanks. We're back. We're talking about the 1965 Voting Rights Act.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:22:01] And you left us on a bit of a.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:22:02] Cliffhanger, which I learned from Carolyn Keene.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:22:05] Is that a Nancy Drew reference?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:22:06] Yeah, every single chapter pretty much ends with Nancy being locked in a closet in an abandoned tower. So let's unlock the door. The Voting Rights Act is signed in August 1965. It enforces the 15th Amendment designed to finally support the registration and voting of black Americans.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:22:25] So you've told me what the act was designed to do. So now my question is, did it actually work? Did it actually do those things?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:22:33] It did. Racial discrimination in voting, decreased registration of black Americans increased by the end of 1965, a quarter of a million new black voters had been registered to vote. A third of those voters, Nick, were registered by federal examiners. A third. Oh, yeah.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:22:51] Wow.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:22:52] And right before the break, we talked about a significant provision in the Voting Rights Act. If a state had been discriminatory in the past, it had to get approval from the federal government if it wanted to add or change election and voting law and procedures. This is called pre-clearance. Here's Sonni walking again, the voting rights lawyer who is paying close attention to the fate of the Voting Rights Act in 2013.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:23:19] If you're really bad, you're and you're covered under this formula for, like, historic discrimination because your voter rolls, you have a high minority population, your voter rolls show very little minority population. We're going to make you go ask the federal government or a court in D.C. for a mother. May I? And this applied to everything. If you were a covered jurisdiction and you wanted to close a polling location, like even one polling location, you had to go ask someone if you were allowed to do that.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:23:48] Now, I have noticed, Hannah, there has been a lot of past tense language going on here when you and Sunny are talking about the VRA and Sunny just said applied as in it used to.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:24:00] Correct.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:24:01] Because something happened to that coverage, didn't it?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:24:05] Something did. And that's something. Name is Shelby.

 

Clips: [00:24:08] Congress must ensure that the legislation it passes speaks to current conditions. The coverage formula, unchanged for 40 years, plainly does not do so, and therefore we have no choice but to find that it violates the Constitution. Justice Thomas has filed a concurring opinion. Justice Ginsburg has filed a dissenting opinion in which Justices Breyer, Sotomayor and Kagan have joined Justices Breyer.

 

Speaker6: [00:24:34] Sotomayor, Kagan and I are of the view that Congress is decision to renew the act and keep the coverage formula was an altogether rational means to serve the end of achieving what was once the subject of a dream the equal citizenship stature of all in our polity, a voice to every voter in our democracy, undiluted by race.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:25:04] So here's the environment in which Shelby V Holder came before the Supreme Court.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:25:12] You have new people who are coming on to the court during the second Bush administration. You have Alito who joins the court. John Roberts becomes the chief justice during this period. And so you have a little turning of people who are not so supportive of voting rights. And after the 2008 election, which was a lot of people say a rejiggering of the political playing field. You also have a really intense focus on redistricting and on controlling power.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:25:45] 2008, of course, was when Barack Obama was elected president of the United States.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:25:49] And you have states who are really focused now on redistricting as a way to gain back power. Right. Redistricting becomes more partizan during 2010 and 2011, and it actually results in this huge shift. All this money is going to state legislatures to re redistrict. However, states that want to do a lot of partizan and racial distracting and racial gerrymandering that are in the South can't do that because they had to go ask the federal government, either the attorney general's office or you'd have to go to a court in D.C. to approve of your redistricting bills.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:26:27] Okay. So there's a sea change in the politicking around voting.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:26:31] There is partially because the midterms of 2010 in backlash to Obama significantly changed the political leanings of the legislature. And to be clear, even prior to this period, things had started to shift. In the 1980s, the court took up a case called Mobile versus Bolden.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:26:48] And so in Mobile versus Bolden, the Supreme Court had held that section two of the Voting Rights Act. You had to prove intentional discrimination. Now, that's a really high bar. It's extraordinarily hard. It it has only actually gotten harder to prove intentional discrimination in the jurisprudence courts now. And I would say the Supreme Court really want to see people saying explicitly racist things. They want this direct smoking gun evidence. Generally, you don't have that. Or, you know, they say that if they want everyone to be the racist right, it wasn't enough that the main person causes, like said on the record, that they were doing something to harm certain voters. Yeah, but not everyone said that. Who voted for the bill? Just the main person who wrote the bill.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:27:39] So if we jump ahead to Shelby V Holder, what year was that again?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:27:42] At 2013.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:27:43] 2013. Even though this Mobile V Bolden decision had happened, we still did have preclearance, right?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:27:49] Yeah.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:27:50] And that meant many jurisdictions, including a lot of jurisdictions in the South, that wanted to change voting itself along political lines, couldn't get it done.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:27:59] Yeah. And they were not very happy about that. So you've got these jurisdictions that feel fettered by the Voting Rights Act and you've got major ideological shifts in Congress. And the Supreme Court suddenly says it was the perfect storm of time to go after the Voting Rights Act.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:28:16] So this case gets brought from Shelby County in South Carolina, which is kind of fitting. The state that challenged the the name is the name plaintiff. And the case that upheld the Voting Rights Act is challenging now. The Voting Rights Act once again and Chief Justice Roberts authored the opinion gutting the formula, the coverage Formula six. So Section four B of the Voting Rights Act saying that the South had changed, that the justification for the Voting Rights Act was that the South was a bad actor, and Southern jurisdictions needed the federal government to step in and to make sure that they were ensuring voting protections for their citizens, especially their citizens of color. And the act had worked extraordinarily well. You had increased voter registration. Some of the highest turnout in American history had been in 2008. You had more electeds of color and especially local electeds of color joining in, and you still have preclearance. And so there was less discriminatory redistricting. So the justification was that we don't need this anymore. This is like a huge burden. What's interesting, though, is that they don't say in the majority opinion that pre-clearance is unconstitutional. They just say that the coverage formula because it hadn't been updated since the sixties. The coverage formula was was unconstitutional.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:29:54] But without the formula, you can't say a state is covered. And without covered states, preclearance loses all its teeth and meaning, right?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:30:03] Well, kind of. Sunny explained that a state can still be what's called bailed into the pre-clearance structure. A federal court can place them under federal scrutiny for a period of time. And since the Shelby County decision, Nick, there has been an increase in preclearance lawsuits from individuals, from groups who claim that their state has violated the nondiscriminatory element of the Voting Rights Act.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:30:28] So that's my question right now, Hannah. There's still the rest of the Voting Rights Act, right? Importantly, the part that emphasizes that you cannot have a practice or procedure that discriminates based on race, which is the point of the Voting Rights Act.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:30:45] Yeah. And not just race and color. Certain language. Minorities were later added to the law as well. You know, people who speak a language that's not predominant in an area. Here's the thing, though. Back when the coverage formula was in place, discriminatory jurisdictions had to prove that their voting and elections changes were not discriminatory. The burden of proof was on them. Now it's the other way around. A government or private party has to prove that their jurisdiction is being discriminatory. The burden of proof has shifted. And remember that 1980 case Mobile versus Bolden, where the court ruled that you didn't just have to show discrimination, you had to show intentional discrimination. That is really, really hard to do. Then comes Brnovich in 2021.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:31:37] In that case, what was really interesting is, you know, one of the the challenges to the law was about native voting. It made it tremendously hard for me to voters to be able to cast ballots. Native voters in Arizona primarily live in northern Arizona. It's very rural. They have a huge lack of access to drop boxes, polling places, all of these other things. And the language that legislators used to pass this vote denial bill was specifically targeting. They used racialized language against native Native Americans in Arizona. And that kind of gets lost because what we looked at was like statistical harm. And there was this other challenge about out of voting precincts, whereas, you know, you had legislators say things on the record that the Ninth Circuit said were racially discriminatory and showed intent. But the Supreme Court said it wasn't good enough. Because not everyone said it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:32:37] Justice Samuel Alito authored the majority opinion. He took the opportunity to lay out some guidelines for future challenges to section two of the Voting Rights Act. Now, not a binding test, but an indication of how the court would evaluate voting rights cases in the future. Now, those guidelines include considering the strength of a state's interests, like in preventing voter fraud or something in the challenged legislation and considering the differences in how that legislation affects racial or ethnic groups. Of course, in Brnovich itself, the court set a higher bar for that racial disparity question. In her dissent, Justice Elena Kagan pointed out recent discriminatory voter law and expressed concern that the Brunswick decision was essentially weakening the Voting Rights Act.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:33:25] So what does all of this mean for the effect of the Voting Rights Act? I mean, is it still the same thing that passed in 1965?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:33:36] Well, Congress has taken steps to reaffirm, extend and strengthen the VRA. For example, after that 1980 Mobile versus Bolden case, they added a line saying, quote, Restates the prohibition against voting discrimination to include as violative conduct which has the effect of discrimination affect not intent. But so much depends on what the court rules. And Sonni told me there is another opinion coming down the pike.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:34:06] And so that's what still exists today. And what's in danger with the. A merrill case that got taken up. It's the Alabama redistricting case that got taken up by the US Supreme Court. And there are people on that court who authored the Shelby County decision who have showed hostility to voting. We should know by June of 2023 whether or not we have Section two left of the Voting Rights Act. And if we don't, things are going to be dramatically different.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:34:42] Now, I know there's always this distinction between what SCOTUS decides and what Congress can do. Like if the Supreme Court eliminates a federal right, there are then calls upon Congress to enshrine it in law instead. And the Voting Rights Act exists because of Congress, not because the Supreme Court offered an opinion about the 15th Amendment. So does Congress have a plan for voting rights?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:35:10] Well, they've tried the John Lewis Voting Rights Act, which strengthens portions of the VRA and restores some of what was eliminated in Shelby. And Brnovich has failed several times in Congress, most recently as of the publishing of this episode in the Senate in 2022, where it didn't even make it to a vote. But there is one important thing that Sunny brought up when it comes to voting rights, and it has nothing to do with the Supreme Court or Congress.

 

Sonni Waknin: [00:35:35] What you can do, though, is lobby your state legislature to pass a state level Voting Rights Act. Federal protections are a floor, not a ceiling. And states can always be doing more and passing their own laws, especially because most states in the United States, I believe 48 of them, have their own election clauses that guarantee free and fair elections. And so that means that you can pass a Voting Rights Act under the state constitution because it will actually be enshrining constitutional protections and statutory.

 

Clips: [00:36:03] Language, as always, when the federal government fails to act. You can count on New York to punch back and fight even harder. We will not rest. We will not rest while these injustices continue. As I said, we did it with abortion. We did it with reproductive freedom. We did it with gun legislation, and now we're doing it again with voting rights.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:36:24] I think it's important to remember what the Voting Rights Act was designed to do, put an end to rampant discrimination. Yes. But by way of enforcing the 15th Amendment, it was explicitly called an act to enforce the 15th Amendment. There is an unambiguous constitutional right that this act is designed to enforce, and that right isn't going away, at least not yet.

 

Gary May: [00:36:52] The right to vote shall not be abridged because of race, color or creed. What's so difficult about that? It should be the most harmless thing in the world. This is what America is about to oppose. That is to oppose America itself.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:37:31] This episode was produced by me, Hannah McCarthy with help from Nick Capodice. Christina Phillips is our senior producer. Our staff includes Jackie Fulton. Rebecca Lovejoy is our executive producer.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:37:40] Music In this episode from Sven Lindell, Daniel Friedel Nuisance. Jack Adkins. Hollis Frank Johnson Post. El Flaco Collective o.T. Penny Lane and Romero. If you're like us and you just can't get enough of civics in this world, you should subscribe to our newsletter. It's called Extra Credit. It is pure joy and trivia and fun rants, and it comes out every other Tuesday. And it's a really good excuse to just take 5 minutes and learn something new. You can find the link at our website, civics101podcast.org.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:38:09] Civics one one is a production of HPR New Hampshire Public Radio.

 

Follow Civics 101 on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

National Park Service

The National Park Service has changed immensely since its days of keeping poachers out of Yellowstone. So has its approach to telling the story of America. 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding of the NPS and Will Shafroth of the National Park Foundation help us understand how this colossal system actually works and what it's doing to tell the true story of the United States.

National Parks System Audio automatically transcribed by Sonix

National Parks System this mp3 audio file was automatically transcribed by Sonix with the This transcript may contain errors.

Hannah McCarthy:
In the beginning there was Yellowstone and it was good. I mean, good, you know, but kind of neglected. The kind of neglected that inspired one 1877 visitor to the park to remark that though the formations around the Yellowstone geysers appeared delicate, they were, in fact so solid that a, quote, hatchet is often necessary to obtain a choice piece for your cabinet.

Nick Capodice:
Wait, you can't do that. That's not allowed.

Hannah McCarthy:
No, that's not allowed. But see, it's a little tricky when you've got 3472 square miles of park and one guy in charge of it all.

Nick Capodice:
One guy all alone, no help.

Hannah McCarthy:
One guy, a single superintendent under the Department of the Interior with no help and no pay. Eventually, Congress figured out that you can't just call something a protected park without the money to protect it. And the answer is simple.

Nick Capodice:
Create the National Park Service.

Hannah McCarthy:
No, no, no, no. Send in the troops.

Nick Capodice:
Like the military, the federal troops.

Hannah McCarthy:
Yes, the military. Our first park rangers, in essence, August 18th, 1886, Captain Moses Harris rides into Yellowstone with Troop M of the US Cavalry. And it's not just Yellowstone that needs protecting. By 1890, you've got Sequoia National Park, Kings Canyon, National Park, Yosemite National Park. And by the way, many of these cavalrymen were what were known as Buffalo Soldiers. That's a subject that deserves a whole episode. These were all black American regiments who did everything from build trails to kick out poachers to stop private livestock from grazing in parks. Now, after a while, the Department of the Interior started hiring civilian scouts and rangers as well. But still, there was no official National Park Service.

Nick Capodice:
So at what point do we actually have a park service? Like when does the military march out and Ranger Smith march in to chase Yogi Bear around?

Hannah McCarthy:
Great question. This is Civics 101. I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice:
And I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
And today we're taking a walk in the National Park Service.

Nick Capodice:
And a quick note to listeners. We recently released an episode about our first national park, Yellowstone. You should give a listen in the podcast feed. But back to today, NPS, the National Park Service.

Hannah McCarthy:
So how did we go from rough riding cavalry to, like you said, Nick, Ranger Smith and Yogi Bear, which, by the way, is a reference to a popular cartoon from the Sixties featuring a meddlesome bear who steals picnic baskets in Jellystone Park and the put upon Ranger who is trying to stop him. Ranger Smith, by the way, is actually former military U.S. Army. Who knew? So before we can get to the beginning of the park rangers who, you know, today, a little someone named Teddy Roosevelt has to come in.

Nick Capodice:
We need leaders of inspired idealism, leaders to who are granted great visions, who dream greatly and strive to make their dreams come true. You need, like, synonymous with the idea of national parks.

Hannah McCarthy:
He did create five of them. That's true. He doubled the park system. The park system did not actually exist as an official agency at that point. Also, super importantly, Roosevelt signed the Antiquities Act of 1906, which empowered presidents, including him, of course, to designate national monuments, basically to federally protect all kinds of historic lands and structures and things of scientific interest.

Nick Capodice:
So a national monument isn't like a statue, per se?

Hannah McCarthy:
No, no. Sometimes they have statues. But the primary difference between a national monument and a national park is the historical, cultural, scientific significance thing and the fact that a president can just make them without Congress. Hmm. Also, the land already has to be owned by the federal government, so the president can't add to the blue. Say, Hey, Nick, your backyard is fascinating. We're making it a monument.

Nick Capodice:
All right. Got it.

Hannah McCarthy:
The military does indeed march out eventually, 30 years after troops first arrived in Yellowstone, the National Park Service arrives. That is 1916, courtesy of President Woodrow Wilson. And 100 some odd years later, you're talking 423 national park sites across 85 million acres of US states and territories staffed by 20,000 people.

Nick Capodice:
Well, maybe I've grown cynical over the past few years, but there's something strange about having tens of thousands of federal employees whose sole job is to handle beautiful or historical land for people to visit. It seems weirdly romantic for a federal project.

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah, I agree. This idea of, like, let's not mess with this place too much is not exactly an American tradition. Right? So let's figure out how this odd duck works.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
When folks think about the National Park Service. Those are the folks that actually you see in the green uniforms when you go to the national parks. A lot of times that's what people think about. But the national park system is so much more than that.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Kirsten Talken-Spalding. She's deputy regional director of the National Park Service Northeast Region.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
So with over 400 individual units of the system, there are, gosh, 150 or so related sites. That means they're not necessarily units, but we work with them directly.

Hannah McCarthy:
Wait, units? Yeah, it's kind of a funny term and it's because these places take so many different forms, which we'll get to later.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
There are a ton of assistance programs that the National Park Service does. The National Park Service administers a number of programs that are particularly geared towards the natural and cultural history.

Hannah McCarthy:
And Kirsten, like so many who work for the National Park Service, has been with and all over the system for a long time.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
I've had the opportunity to serve all across the nation as far west as Haleakala on Maui, starting to brand new national park units, one Mojave National Preserve in California and most recently at Fort Monroe National Monument, again here in Virginia, mentioned the fellowship have the opportunity to serve on the Hill with the United States Senate, working with them for a year on the language that actually creates the bills.

Hannah McCarthy:
The Bevin Neto Fellowship, by the way, is a two year program for National Park Service employees to learn how Congress works and the role that Congress plays for the NPS.

Nick Capodice:
So Kirsten actually got to see how the sausage of her own federal agency got made.

Hannah McCarthy:
Yes. And just as a quick aside, you know how we used to refer to this podcast as Schoolhouse Rock for adults?

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
Some folks are familiar with Schoolhouse Rock, and perhaps you're familiar with a little cartoon of I'm just a bill. That is the training video for folks coming into the fellowship.

Nick Capodice:
I hope they decide. To report on me favorably. Otherwise I may die. Die? Yeah, die in committee. Oh, but it looks like they actually watch it.

Hannah McCarthy:
They actually watch it. So here is how the legislation that governs this enormous system happens.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
It's an interesting thing. Have you ever been in a game of telephone before?

Nick Capodice:
Telephone tickets even play telephone anymore? I don't know. Well, you're like, park my car by the library, and it gets whispered around the room in the last person's like, Put my eggplant the fry, daddy.

Hannah McCarthy:
It's actually a fun game.

Nick Capodice:
Yeah, that is a fun game, man. I'll give you that.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
Writing bills can be a lot like that, where the language that's intended isn't what ends up on the paper.

Hannah McCarthy:
One of Kirsten's jobs was to make sure that at the end of that game of legislative telephone, whatever the bill was actually made sense.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
What I was able to do was to read the language that was provided and say, okay, well, when I read it like this, my understanding of how it would be implemented in the national park system is that and then the person could go, Oh, that's exactly what I meant. And then we would move merrily on. Or they would go, Oh man, that is not what I meant at all. And so they would ask for some refinements and we'd work collaboratively to make sure that that congressional members intent behind the bill, that language was reflected in the bill itself.

Nick Capodice:
But what kind of legislation is still happening nowadays? Is Congress creating new national parks?

Hannah McCarthy:
Sometimes I found out that Congress snuck New River Gorge in West Virginia into the COVID 19 relief bill in 2020. Sometimes they expand a park's borders, sometimes they change a name. That's an especially useful tool when a site has a racist or derogatory name, which is, believe it or not, not all that uncommon. Sometimes they authorize a new park or unit. They can also decommission a park which doesn't necessarily make a park go away. The government just divests it and it goes to a state or town. For example, Nick, the second ever National Park, Mackinac Island in Lake Huron, was decommissioned in 1895 and then became Michigan's first state park.

Nick Capodice:
Hmm. And as I learned at the beginning of the episode, when you make something a national park, you can't just casually entrust it to one unpaid employee. You've got to give it resources. When you're looking at 85 million acres, 20,000 employees, how much money does Congress budget for the National Park System?

Will Shafroth:
Congress appropriates about three and a half billion dollars to support the National Park Service. That is primarily to support the 22,000 full and part seasonal employees that work there and all the operating costs associated with each of those park units as well as the overall administration and management of the system.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Will Paffrath. He's the CEO of the National Parks Foundation, which Nick Get This is a nonprofit that Congress established to raise money for the National Park Service.

Nick Capodice:
I had no idea that was even a thing. Hannah like the Department of Homeland Security doesn't have a nonprofit organization funding their body scanners. How is that a thing?

Hannah McCarthy:
I don't know. It just is it's it's a thing. The federal operating budget for the parks doesn't cover everything the parks do. So this foundation was established to help cover the gaps.

Will Shafroth:
The idea was first developed in the early sixties as a result of a an undertaking that actually President Eisenhower initiated called the Outdoor Recreation Review Commission. And looking at all of our public lands and figure out how do we how do we make them better? How do we manage the diversity of of needs on there for recreation, for conservation? And so there was a proposal to create a nonprofit organization, the first of its kind to support public lands in this country. And the National Park Foundation was ultimately established in 1967 to be the official charitable partner for the national parks.

Nick Capodice:
All right. So what is the National Parks Foundation actually doing?

Hannah McCarthy:
They do what we public radio people do all the time, Nick. They ask for money and then they give that money to the National Park Service and they do other things too.

Will Shafroth:
What we fund is really the the over and above that, that the Park Service really doesn't get covered through the federal budget process. And so so we serve in a way as a land trust to support the national park. So we step in and we will help often partner with other organizations to to acquire a piece of property and then turn it over to the National Park Service so it becomes part of the federal estate. The great example of that was at Martin Luther King's National Historic Park in Atlanta, where the King family, you know, desired to to basically sell the birth and life home of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr and Coretta Scott King and and really sell them through us to the National Park Service. So we stepped in with the resource that. Natural Resources took us a while to negotiate the transaction because of a lot of complicated things around it. But we did that with a full permission and support of the National Park Service.

Nick Capodice:
I had never considered the fact that the national parks properties have to be negotiated over or bought.

Hannah McCarthy:
Well, think about it. It's giant swathes of real estate, often beautiful and historically significant real estate. Now, obviously, there are parks like Yellowstone that were just designated and taken, but these days there are millions of acres of private land that the park system wants to acquire that need to be paid for.

Nick Capodice:
Until the National Parks Foundation is like the benefactor who swoops in and saves the day.

Hannah McCarthy:
It's not quite as romantic as all that. Even with the help from the National Parks Foundation, even with their portion of the federal budget, which, by the way, comes from the Land and Water Conservation Fund, as of 2021, there was billions of dollars worth of land that the NPS wanted to acquire and protect, and the money just wasn't there.

Nick Capodice:
So basically it's not as simple as Congress saying, Hey, that's pretty, or, Hey, that's important, let's make it a park.

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah, stuff costs money.

Nick Capodice:
So what is the federal budget actually do for the Park Service?

Hannah McCarthy:
I think will SHAPIRO sum this up pretty well when he talked about what he raises money for?

Will Shafroth:
We are not going to be effective at raising money from individuals, families, foundations or corporations to pay for road maintenance or repair of the water system or a new septic system at some remote park or roof repairs or a new HVAC equipment. We've done that a little bit, but, you know, basically those kind of things just feel like the federal responsibility, right? That's what the Park Service is supposed to be doing. So so we have to define not only what the priorities are, but be honest with them and say these are the things of your long list. Here are the ten things that we think that we're going to be really good at raising money for. And if we if you sent us off on a kind of a fool's errand of trying to, you know, raise money to repair the potholes, we're not going to come back with very much money.

Nick Capodice:
In other words, the foundation leaves the quotidian, everyday stuff to the federal government and raises money for flashy stuff like a piece of the Florida Everglades.

Hannah McCarthy:
It's just not a very sexy cell to be like, Hey, donors, Gettysburg needs a new septic system.

Nick Capodice:
Well, hold on for a second, actually, because Gettysburg is a battlefield. We could do this all day. Like, how is Gettysburg a national park? See, this is the thing I'm trying to wrap my head around. Hanna at the park system is not just enormous, spectacular natural landscapes. It's also battlefields like Gettysburg and Martin Luther King Jr's home. Right.

Hannah McCarthy:
And the Ford Theater and the Vietnam Veterans Memorial and the Fire Island National Seashore and the Statue of Liberty. By the way, we mentioned those national monuments, the things that presidents get to make. Some national monuments are also under the national park system like Stonewall National Monument in Manhattan, for example, Nick, the first ever national monument dedicated to LGBTQ rights and history that was both designated by Barack Obama and put under the NPS so far.

Nick Capodice:
Hannah The national park system is much more patchwork and varied than I expected. You've got different types of land, different types of funding sources. There's like so many different places in so many different purposes. Who runs the whole thing?

Hannah McCarthy:
There's a Senate confirmed director of the National Park Service, as well as three deputy directors to keep this sprawling network functioning. Kirsten has a pretty apropos way of describing the structure.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
I often think about the service like a large tree. There's all these different branches. We've got a law enforcement branch and we've got naturalists and we've got scientists and we've got maintenance employees. These are all different branches. And then we've got the administration that's like the roots of the tree. You don't always see them, but they're bringing on all kinds of resources that really allow that that that organism to thrive.

Hannah McCarthy:
So what does that tree actually doing? We'll figure out what the national park system is about today after a short break.

Nick Capodice:
But before we do, just a quick reminder that we, too, rely on donations.

Hannah McCarthy:
That's a good pivot.

Nick Capodice:
Thank you. If you're feeling charitable, please consider heading over to Civics101podcast.org to make a contribution. And in the meantime, we'll keep cultivating the park of civic engagement. Thanks.

Hannah McCarthy:
We're back. You're listening to Civics 101 and we're talking about the national park system. Now, before the break, we talked about the fact that the NPS acquires and then manages important land when they can afford it. But I want to give you a closer look.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
So when Congress authorizes a national park, they authorize it, often with an exact boundary like this is in and that's out of the park.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Kirsten Talken-Spaulding, a longtime NPS employee.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
Now, it doesn't mean that there's federal ownership of all of that land within the boundary. So we have an authorized boundary of the park, but then we have the federal lands that are part of inside that authorized boundary. So let's say Farer Joe is inside the authorized park boundary. You don't want to be a farmer anymore. His kids don't want to be farmers anymore. He wants to sell his land. He can sell to a developer and he could have multiple houses or whatever developed on that land if it's within the authorized boundary of the national park. We will engage with that person that has what we call a willing seller. We will engage with the willing seller and say, Listen, this land is important to us and we'll share with him the reasons why it's important. It may be within the view shed of a cultural landscape that's important to telling the stories of the park. It may have specific resources on that land.

Nick Capodice:
Okay. So just to clarify, there are people who actually live inside national parks.

Hannah McCarthy:
There are, for example, somewhat controversially, someone not too long ago built a luxury home on a private parcel in Black Canyon of the Gunnison National Park, which, while we're here, Nick, is a national park that I discovered by accident while I was on a road trip. And it's like gobsmacking. It's beautiful. But anyway, the point is, these pieces of land, these parcels are called in holdings, and often the government tries to buy them or just hopes that the landowners don't eat them.

Nick Capodice:
Well, speaking of buying land of the federal government, deciding something ought to be a park for whatever reason, like what makes something park worthy.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
For a long time, I think that there was a a myopic view of what it means to be worthy, to be preserved. It's a story that we should tell that glorifies us as a nation. And I think over the years, we've come to understand that to be inclusive means to recognize that we haven't always gotten it right. It also means that we go back and we try and reconcile and rectify some of the issues that we've had in the past.

Nick Capodice:
Having been here at the table across from you recording the Yellowstone episode, Hannah, one such issue that comes to mind is that most of this land was the home and birthright of tribal nations across the country.

Hannah McCarthy:
Kirsten and I talked about this at length. She took Acadia National Park in Maine as an example, where parks ecologists are finally asking the original stewards of the land how to best preserve it.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
So like the Mi'kmaq, the Penobscot, the Passamaquoddy, the indigenous folks that have been on the lands for hundreds and thousands of years, in some cases when Acadia was created, it severed that natural relationship with the indigenous peoples of the land. When you create a park, you create opportunities. And in the past sometimes it feels like we've also diminished opportunities. And I think when we when we've had that chance to really broaden out where we are and understanding what a national park can be, not just a place that we talk about past practices, but we actually encourage them to continue. Today, the sweetgrass traditions that were done by the Mi'kmaq, the Penobscot, the Passamaquoddy. They did this natural resource study.

Hannah McCarthy:
A quick history lesson here. For the better part of the past hundred years, tribal citizens were prohibited from gathering sweetgrass in Acadia, which was both a vital cultural and ecological process. Even when the Wabanaki were permitted to reinstate this practice, it was under tight restrictions by the NPS and this natural resource study that was aimed at understanding the impact of gathering sweetgrass. It ended up revealing how much better the Wabanaki understood sweetgrass than the botanists who were studying it.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
So vitally important when we think about climate change and the impacts that potentially could be had on our national parks, especially in the coastal lands. They came to. Find out that it actually enhances the plant itself. Working with the tribes from that area, we can understand more deeply what it means to be connected to the land and do a better job of managing the land, not just what we think should be done, but understanding the hundreds and sometimes thousands of years of knowledge that some indigenous peoples can bring as well.

Hannah McCarthy:
I want to be clear here that there is also a nationwide indigenous led movement to put Indigenous land back in Indigenous hands. It's called the Land Back Movement and in other countries Indigenous managed land proves to be just as if not more biodiverse than preserved lands managed by governments. Now currently the National Park Service has around 80 official tribal relationships, as well as four co-management agreements, which are specific legal arrangements that look different depending on the park and the tribe. Chuck F Sams, the current director of the National Park Service and by the way, the Park Service's first ever director, who is also a tribal citizen, has been clear that he wants to create more collaborative and co management arrangements with tribes across the country.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
Certainly the director has an interest to ensure that we're doing our part, not just to collaborate and cooperate with our tribal nations, but that we work with them in a really structured way. And I think that our agreements are part of the way that we do that. These agreements aren't just about like the science, but it even comes down to how do we manage from a maintenance standpoint. You know, if we know that we've got ground nesting birds, we don't mow that time of the year. So we have mowing plans that ensure that we assist with the populations of some of our species that are unique to the areas we think about the development and planning related to climate change. That's got a lot to do with our connection or understanding with our tribal nations and working with them directly as well.

Nick Capodice:
You know, Hannah, Kirsten mentioned earlier that part of the goal here is to reconcile and rectify, to acknowledge that the things that our government chose to preserve and the way it chose to preserve it was often about glorifying a country that has plenty of condemnable history. There are beautiful and important places that can at the same time represent American shame and disgrace. So I guess my question is, is the National Park Service building that truth into the parks experience today?

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
National parks can be the tip of the spear when it comes to being able to have difficult conversations. So at Fort Monroe National Monument, at that space, that's where the, quote, contraband decision was made. And it was a pivotal turning point in the in the Civil War where those folks that had been enslaved. Self emancipated and they were now considered contraband of war and were not returned to enslavement. That changed a lot for the Civil War. Well, what does that now mean? How do we have that conversation about equity? How do we have that conversation about enslavement? How do we have the conversation about the ripple effects and the ongoing impact that the history that is told and understood at Fort Monroe National Monument. What better place to have that conversation right here in the heart of the south, where there was the well, say the capital of the Confederacy was in Virginia. And here is this union fort. This union controlled fort in the middle of the capital of the Confederacy. What a great place to talk about what freedom means. So the value of a national park is not just imbued in the economics that it brings to the area, but in our ability to have a civil society that allows us to have these conversations, to understand where we have done well, where we have done wrong, and how we can be better as a nation into the future.

Hannah McCarthy:
Kersten told me about one of the newest additions to the National Park System, dedicated in March of 2020 to the Amaechi National Historical Site. It is also known as the Granada Relocation Center, where more than 10,000 Japanese-Americans were interned during World War Two. Now, the ostensible goal here, according to the government officials who have been talking about it, is to preserve a site reflective of an abhorrent period in American history and to teach visitors what we as a nation did to our own citizens. And that happened in large part because of a high school teacher who'd been working with his students for 25 years to preserve the site. President Biden signing a bill this afternoon designated Amaechi as the nation's newest national park. The former Japanese-American internment camp is located in southeastern Colorado and Grenada and near Lamar.

Nick Capodice:
It occurs to me that the park system is kind of like a living archive. It can set a place aside at the federal level that serves as proof of something having happened or something happening right now. Or sure, something being beautiful or scientifically interesting. Its artifacts and art.

Hannah McCarthy:
Yeah, I spoke about this with both Kirsten and Will Shaffer, both from the Parks Foundation, and both saw that aspect as an opportunity to skirt politicization. Will talked about, for example, the fact that Glacier National Park will serve as a testament to climate change simply by melting away.

Will Shafroth:
We don't expect there to be glaciers in by 2040, you know, and so there are things that that we can help in a very safe context that is apolitical and a judgmental and just say, here's what's going on. It's also what we can do. And around a whole different set of issues around racial justice and equity that the parks really provide a place to tell the truth, to tell the truth about our nation's history and the long journey that we've taken to get to where we are and frankly, just how much further we still have to go. In a lot of ways, they just are just kind of telling the truth.

Hannah McCarthy:
Of course, for something to get to that point, it has to go through the political process. It has to be presented as worthy of the Park Service, worthy of federal money. I come back again to that well-trodden line. The National Park Service is America's best idea. And I kind of think it's more like the National Park Service reflects American ethos. The changes to the system are, in part a result of citizens and organizations saying, Hey, this is important, don't look away. This is America. Whether you like it or not, you better put it in the archive before we forget.

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding:
Over 400 units. There's a reason why there are so many. You can't tell the nation story at just a handful of national parks. You've got to have all of those voices, all of those stories, those dissonant times, those joyful times. You've got to have all of that together to really make an incredible symphony. And that's part of what our national park system does for the nation.

Hannah McCarthy:
This episode was produced by me, Hannah McCarthy with help from Nick Capodice. Christina Phillips is our senior producer. Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton. Rebecca Lavoie is our executive producer. Music In this episode by Nul Tiel Records, Evan Schaefer, Kesha, Walt Adams, Site of Wonders, Dusty Decks, HoliznaRAPS and Margareta. If you liked this episode, please consider writing a review. It tells us how we're doing. It tells us you're listening. We actually care about that. Thanks for everything. Civics 101 is a production of NHPR New Hampshire Public Radio.

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Transcript

Hannah McCarthy: In the beginning there was Yellowstone and it was good. I mean, good, you know, but kind of neglected. The kind of neglected that inspired one 1877 visitor to the park to remark that though the formations around the Yellowstone geysers appeared delicate, they were, in fact so solid that a, quote, hatchet is often necessary to [00:00:30] obtain a choice piece for your cabinet.

 

Nick Capodice: Wait, you can't do that. That's not allowed.

 

Hannah McCarthy: No, that's not allowed. But see, it's a little tricky when you've got 3472 square miles of park and one guy in charge of it all.

 

Nick Capodice: One guy all alone, no help.

 

Hannah McCarthy: One guy, [00:01:00] a single superintendent under the Department of the Interior with no help and no pay. Eventually, Congress figured out that you can't just call something a protected park without the money to protect it. And the answer is simple.

 

Nick Capodice: Create the National Park Service.

 

Hannah McCarthy: No, no, no, no. Send in the troops.

 

Nick Capodice: Like the military, the federal troops.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yes, the military. Our first park rangers, [00:01:30] in essence, August 18th, 1886, Captain Moses Harris rides into Yellowstone with Troop M of the US Cavalry. And it's not just Yellowstone that needs protecting. By 1890, you've got Sequoia National Park, Kings Canyon, National Park, Yosemite National Park. And by the way, many of these cavalrymen were what were known as Buffalo Soldiers. That's a subject that deserves a whole episode. These were all black American regiments who did everything [00:02:00] from build trails to kick out poachers to stop private livestock from grazing in parks. Now, after a while, the Department of the Interior started hiring civilian scouts and rangers as well. But still, there was no official National Park Service.

 

Nick Capodice: So at what point do we actually have a park service? Like when does the military march out and Ranger Smith march in to chase Yogi Bear around?

 

Hannah McCarthy: Great question. This is Civics 101. I'm Hannah McCarthy.

 

Nick Capodice: And I'm Nick Capodice. [00:02:30]

 

Hannah McCarthy: And today we're taking a walk in the National Park Service.

 

Nick Capodice: And a quick note to listeners. We recently released an episode about our first national park, Yellowstone. You should give a listen in the podcast feed. But back to today, NPS, the National Park Service.

 

Hannah McCarthy: So how did we go from rough riding cavalry to, like you said, Nick, Ranger Smith and Yogi Bear, which, by the way, is a reference to a popular cartoon from the Sixties featuring a meddlesome bear who steals picnic [00:03:00] baskets in Jellystone Park and the put upon Ranger who is trying to stop him. Ranger Smith, by the way, is actually former military U.S. Army. Who knew? So before we can get to the beginning of the park rangers who, you know, today, a little someone named Teddy Roosevelt has to come in.

 

Nick Capodice: We need leaders of inspired idealism, leaders to who are granted great visions, who dream greatly and strive to make their dreams come true. You need, like, synonymous with the idea of national parks.

 

Hannah McCarthy: He did [00:03:30] create five of them. That's true. He doubled the park system. The park system did not actually exist as an official agency at that point. Also, super importantly, Roosevelt signed the Antiquities Act of 1906, which empowered presidents, including him, of course, to designate national monuments, basically to federally protect all kinds of historic lands and structures and things of scientific interest.

 

Nick Capodice: So a national monument isn't like a statue, [00:04:00] per se?

 

Hannah McCarthy: No, no. Sometimes they have statues. But the primary difference between a national monument and a national park is the historical, cultural, scientific significance thing and the fact that a president can just make them without Congress. Hmm. Also, the land already has to be owned by the federal government, so the president can't add to the blue. Say, Hey, Nick, your backyard is fascinating. We're making it a monument.

 

Nick Capodice: All right. Got it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: The military does indeed march out eventually, 30 [00:04:30] years after troops first arrived in Yellowstone, the National Park Service arrives. That is 1916, courtesy of President Woodrow Wilson. And 100 some odd years later, you're talking 423 national park sites across 85 million acres of US states and territories staffed by 20,000 people.

 

Nick Capodice: Well, maybe I've grown cynical over the past few [00:05:00] years, but there's something strange about having tens of thousands of federal employees whose sole job is to handle beautiful or historical land for people to visit. It seems weirdly romantic for a federal project.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, I agree. This idea of, like, let's not mess with this place too much is not exactly an American tradition. Right? So let's figure out how this odd duck works.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: When folks think about the National Park Service. Those are the folks [00:05:30] that actually you see in the green uniforms when you go to the national parks. A lot of times that's what people think about. But the national park system is so much more than that.

 

Hannah McCarthy: This is Kirsten Talken-Spalding. She's deputy regional director of the National Park Service Northeast Region.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: So with over 400 individual units of the system, there are, gosh, 150 or so related sites. That means they're not necessarily units, but we [00:06:00] work with them directly.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Wait, units? Yeah, it's kind of a funny term and it's because these places take so many different forms, which we'll get to later.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: There are a ton of assistance programs that the National Park Service does. The National Park Service administers a number of programs that are particularly geared towards the natural and cultural history.

 

Hannah McCarthy: And Kirsten, like so many who work for the National Park Service, has been with [00:06:30] and all over the system for a long time.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: I've had the opportunity to serve all across the nation as far west as Haleakala on Maui, starting to brand new national park units, one Mojave National Preserve in California and most recently at Fort Monroe National Monument, again here in Virginia, mentioned the fellowship have the opportunity to serve on the Hill with the United States Senate, working with them for a year on the language [00:07:00] that actually creates the bills.

 

Hannah McCarthy: The Bevin Neto Fellowship, by the way, is a two year program for National Park Service employees to learn how Congress works and the role that Congress plays for the NPS.

 

Nick Capodice: So Kirsten actually got to see how the sausage of her own federal agency got made.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yes. And just as a quick aside, you know how we used to refer to this podcast as Schoolhouse Rock for adults?

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: Some folks are familiar with Schoolhouse Rock, and perhaps you're familiar with a little cartoon of I'm just a bill. [00:07:30] That is the training video for folks coming into the fellowship.

 

Nick Capodice: I hope they decide. To report on me favorably. Otherwise I may die. Die? Yeah, die in committee. Oh, but it looks like they actually watch it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: They actually watch it. So here is how the legislation that governs this enormous system happens.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: It's an interesting thing. Have you ever been in a game of telephone [00:08:00] before?

 

Nick Capodice: Telephone tickets even play telephone anymore? I don't know. Well, you're like, park my car by the library, and it gets whispered around the room in the last person's like, Put my eggplant the fry, daddy.

 

Hannah McCarthy: It's actually a fun game.

 

Nick Capodice: Yeah, that is a fun game, man. I'll give you that.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: Writing bills can be a lot like that, where the language that's intended isn't what ends up on the paper.

 

Hannah McCarthy: One of Kirsten's jobs was to make sure that at the end of that game of legislative telephone, whatever the bill was actually made sense. [00:08:30]

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: What I was able to do was to read the language that was provided and say, okay, well, when I read it like this, my understanding of how it would be implemented in the national park system is that and then the person could go, Oh, that's exactly what I meant. And then we would move merrily on. Or they would go, Oh man, that is not what I meant at all. And so they would ask for some refinements and we'd work collaboratively to make sure that that congressional members intent behind [00:09:00] the bill, that language was reflected in the bill itself.

 

Nick Capodice: But what kind of legislation is still happening nowadays? Is Congress creating new national parks?

 

Hannah McCarthy: Sometimes I found out that Congress snuck New River Gorge in West Virginia into the COVID 19 relief bill in 2020. Sometimes they expand a park's borders, sometimes they change a name. That's an especially useful tool when a site has a racist or derogatory name, which is, believe it or not, not all that uncommon. Sometimes they authorize a new park or unit. They [00:09:30] can also decommission a park which doesn't necessarily make a park go away. The government just divests it and it goes to a state or town. For example, Nick, the second ever National Park, Mackinac Island in Lake Huron, was decommissioned in 1895 and then became Michigan's first state park.

 

Nick Capodice: Hmm. And as I learned at the beginning of the episode, when you make something a national park, you can't just casually entrust it to one unpaid employee. You've [00:10:00] got to give it resources. When you're looking at 85 million acres, 20,000 employees, how much money does Congress budget for the National Park System?

 

Will Shafroth: Congress appropriates about three and a half billion dollars to support the National Park Service. That is primarily to support the 22,000 full and part seasonal employees that work there and all the operating costs associated with each of those park units as well as the overall administration and management of the system.

 

Hannah McCarthy: This is Will Paffrath. He's [00:10:30] the CEO of the National Parks Foundation, which Nick Get This is a nonprofit that Congress established to raise money for the National Park Service.

 

Nick Capodice: I had no idea that was even a thing. Hannah like the Department of Homeland Security doesn't have a nonprofit organization funding their body scanners. How is that a thing?

 

Hannah McCarthy: I don't know. It just is it's it's a thing. The federal operating budget for the parks doesn't cover everything the parks do. [00:11:00] So this foundation was established to help cover the gaps.

 

Will Shafroth: The idea was first developed in the early sixties as a result of a an undertaking that actually President Eisenhower initiated called the Outdoor Recreation Review Commission. And looking at all of our public lands and figure out how do we how do we make them better? How do we manage the diversity of of needs on there for recreation, for conservation? And so there was a proposal to create a nonprofit organization, the first of its kind [00:11:30] to support public lands in this country. And the National Park Foundation was ultimately established in 1967 to be the official charitable partner for the national parks.

 

Nick Capodice: All right. So what is the National Parks Foundation actually doing?

 

Hannah McCarthy: They do what we public radio people do all the time, Nick. They ask for money and then they give that money to the National Park Service and they do other things too.

 

Will Shafroth: What we fund is really the the over and above that, that the Park Service really doesn't get covered through the federal budget process. [00:12:00] And so so we serve in a way as a land trust to support the national park. So we step in and we will help often partner with other organizations to to acquire a piece of property and then turn it over to the National Park Service so it becomes part of the federal estate. The great example of that was at Martin Luther King's National Historic Park in Atlanta, where the King family, you know, desired to to basically sell the birth and life home of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr and Coretta Scott King [00:12:30] and and really sell them through us to the National Park Service. So we stepped in with the resource that. Natural Resources took us a while to negotiate the transaction because of a lot of complicated things around it. But we did that with a full permission and support of the National Park Service.

 

Nick Capodice: I had never considered the fact that the national parks properties have to be negotiated over or bought.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Well, think about it. It's giant swathes of real estate, often beautiful and historically significant real [00:13:00] estate. Now, obviously, there are parks like Yellowstone that were just designated and taken, but these days there are millions of acres of private land that the park system wants to acquire that need to be paid for.

 

Nick Capodice: Until the National Parks Foundation is like the benefactor who swoops in and saves the day.

 

Hannah McCarthy: It's not quite as romantic as all that. Even with the help from the National Parks Foundation, even with their portion of the federal budget, which, by the way, comes from the Land and Water Conservation Fund, as [00:13:30] of 2021, there was billions of dollars worth of land that the NPS wanted to acquire and protect, and the money just wasn't there.

 

Nick Capodice: So basically it's not as simple as Congress saying, Hey, that's pretty, or, Hey, that's important, let's make it a park.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, stuff costs money.

 

Nick Capodice: So what is the federal budget actually do for the Park Service?

 

Hannah McCarthy: I think will SHAPIRO sum this up pretty well when he talked about what he raises money for?

 

Will Shafroth: We are not going to be effective at raising money from individuals, families, [00:14:00] foundations or corporations to pay for road maintenance or repair of the water system or a new septic system at some remote park or roof repairs or a new HVAC equipment. We've done that a little bit, but, you know, basically those kind of things just feel like the federal responsibility, right? That's what the Park Service is supposed to be doing. So so we have to define not only what the priorities are, but be honest with them and say these are the things of your long list. Here are the ten things that we think that we're going to be really good at raising money [00:14:30] for. And if we if you sent us off on a kind of a fool's errand of trying to, you know, raise money to repair the potholes, we're not going to come back with very much money.

 

Nick Capodice: In other words, the foundation leaves the quotidian, everyday stuff to the federal government and raises money for flashy stuff like a piece of the Florida Everglades.

 

Hannah McCarthy: It's just not a very sexy cell to be like, Hey, donors, Gettysburg needs a new septic system.

 

Nick Capodice: Well, hold on for a second, actually, because Gettysburg is a battlefield. We could do this all day. Like, how is [00:15:00] Gettysburg a national park? See, this is the thing I'm trying to wrap my head around. Hanna at the park system is not just enormous, spectacular natural landscapes. It's also battlefields like Gettysburg and Martin Luther King Jr's home. Right.

 

Hannah McCarthy: And the Ford Theater and the Vietnam Veterans Memorial and the Fire Island National Seashore and the Statue of Liberty. By the way, we mentioned those national monuments, the things that presidents get to make. Some national monuments [00:15:30] are also under the national park system like Stonewall National Monument in Manhattan, for example, Nick, the first ever national monument dedicated to LGBTQ rights and history that was both designated by Barack Obama and put under the NPS so far.

 

Nick Capodice: Hannah The national park system is much more patchwork and varied than I expected. You've got different types of land, different types of funding sources. There's like so many different places in so many different purposes. Who [00:16:00] runs the whole thing?

 

Hannah McCarthy: There's a Senate confirmed director of the National Park Service, as well as three deputy directors to keep this sprawling network functioning. Kirsten has a pretty apropos way of describing the structure.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: I often think about the service like a large tree. There's all these different branches. We've got a law enforcement branch and we've got naturalists and we've got scientists and we've got maintenance employees. These are all different branches. [00:16:30] And then we've got the administration that's like the roots of the tree. You don't always see them, but they're bringing on all kinds of resources that really allow that that that organism to thrive.

 

Hannah McCarthy: So what does that tree actually doing? We'll figure out what the national park system is about today after a short break.

 

Nick Capodice: But before we do, just a quick reminder that we, too, rely on donations.

 

Hannah McCarthy: That's a good pivot.

 

Nick Capodice: Thank you. If you're feeling charitable, please consider heading over to Civics101podcast.org to make a contribution. [00:17:00] And in the meantime, we'll keep cultivating the park of civic engagement. Thanks.

 

Hannah McCarthy: We're back. You're listening to Civics 101 and we're talking about the national park system. Now, before the break, we talked about the fact that the NPS acquires and then manages important land when they can afford it. But I want to give you a closer look.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: So when Congress authorizes a national park, they authorize it, often with an exact boundary like this [00:17:30] is in and that's out of the park.

 

Hannah McCarthy: This is Kirsten Talken-Spaulding, a longtime NPS employee.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: Now, it doesn't mean that there's federal ownership of all of that land within the boundary. So we have an authorized boundary of the park, but then we have the federal lands that are part of inside that authorized boundary. So let's say Farer Joe is inside the [00:18:00] authorized park boundary. You don't want to be a farmer anymore. His kids don't want to be farmers anymore. He wants to sell his land. He can sell to a developer and he could have multiple houses or whatever developed on that land if it's within the authorized boundary of the national park. We will engage with that person that has what we call a willing seller. We will engage with the willing seller and say, Listen, [00:18:30] this land is important to us and we'll share with him the reasons why it's important. It may be within the view shed of a cultural landscape that's important to telling the stories of the park. It may have specific resources on that land.

 

Nick Capodice: Okay. So just to clarify, there are people who actually live inside national parks.

 

Hannah McCarthy: There are, for example, somewhat controversially, someone not too long ago built a luxury home on a private parcel in Black Canyon [00:19:00] of the Gunnison National Park, which, while we're here, Nick, is a national park that I discovered by accident while I was on a road trip. And it's like gobsmacking. It's beautiful. But anyway, the point is, these pieces of land, these parcels are called in holdings, and often the government tries to buy them or just hopes that the landowners don't eat them.

 

Nick Capodice: Well, speaking of buying land of the federal government, deciding something ought to be a park for whatever reason, like what makes something park worthy.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: For a long time, I [00:19:30] think that there was a a myopic view of what it means to be worthy, to be preserved. It's a story that we should tell that glorifies us as a nation. And I think over the years, we've come to understand that to be inclusive means to recognize that we haven't always gotten it right. It also means that we go back and we try and reconcile and rectify some of the issues that we've had in the past.

 

Nick Capodice: Having [00:20:00] been here at the table across from you recording the Yellowstone episode, Hannah, one such issue that comes to mind is that most of this land was the home and birthright of tribal nations across the country.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Kirsten and I talked about this at length. She took Acadia National Park in Maine as an example, where parks ecologists are finally asking the original stewards of the land how to best preserve it.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: So like the Mi'kmaq, the Penobscot, the Passamaquoddy, the [00:20:30] indigenous folks that have been on the lands for hundreds and thousands of years, in some cases when Acadia was created, it severed that natural relationship with the indigenous peoples of the land. When you create a park, you create opportunities. And in the past sometimes it feels like we've also diminished opportunities. And I think when we when we've had that chance to really broaden out where we are and understanding [00:21:00] what a national park can be, not just a place that we talk about past practices, but we actually encourage them to continue. Today, the sweetgrass traditions that were done by the Mi'kmaq, the Penobscot, the Passamaquoddy. They did this natural resource study.

 

Hannah McCarthy: A quick history lesson here. For the better part of the past hundred years, tribal [00:21:30] citizens were prohibited from gathering sweetgrass in Acadia, which was both a vital cultural and ecological process. Even when the Wabanaki were permitted to reinstate this practice, it was under tight restrictions by the NPS and this natural resource study that was aimed at understanding the impact of gathering sweetgrass. It ended up revealing how much better the Wabanaki understood sweetgrass than the botanists who were studying it.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: So vitally important when we think about climate [00:22:00] change and the impacts that potentially could be had on our national parks, especially in the coastal lands. They came to. Find out that it actually enhances the plant itself. Working with the tribes from that area, we can understand more deeply what it means to be connected to the land and do a better job of managing the land, not just what we think should [00:22:30] be done, but understanding the hundreds and sometimes thousands of years of knowledge that some indigenous peoples can bring as well.

 

Hannah McCarthy: I want to be clear here that there is also a nationwide indigenous led movement to put Indigenous land back in Indigenous hands. It's called the Land Back Movement and in other countries Indigenous managed land proves to be just as if not more biodiverse than preserved lands managed by governments. Now currently [00:23:00] the National Park Service has around 80 official tribal relationships, as well as four co-management agreements, which are specific legal arrangements that look different depending on the park and the tribe. Chuck F Sams, the current director of the National Park Service and by the way, the Park Service's first ever director, who is also a tribal citizen, has been clear that he wants to create more collaborative and co management arrangements with tribes across the country.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: Certainly the director has an interest to ensure that [00:23:30] we're doing our part, not just to collaborate and cooperate with our tribal nations, but that we work with them in a really structured way. And I think that our agreements are part of the way that we do that. These agreements aren't just about like the science, but it even comes down to how do we manage from a maintenance standpoint. You know, if we know that we've got ground nesting birds, we don't mow that time of the year. So we have mowing plans that ensure that [00:24:00] we assist with the populations of some of our species that are unique to the areas we think about the development and planning related to climate change. That's got a lot to do with our connection or understanding with our tribal nations and working with them directly as well.

 

Nick Capodice: You know, Hannah, Kirsten mentioned earlier that part of the goal here is to reconcile and rectify, to acknowledge that the things that our government chose to preserve and the way it chose to preserve it was often [00:24:30] about glorifying a country that has plenty of condemnable history. There are beautiful and important places that can at the same time represent American shame and disgrace. So I guess my question is, is the National Park Service building that truth into the parks experience today?

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: National parks can be the tip of the spear when it comes to being able to have difficult conversations. So at Fort Monroe National Monument, [00:25:00] at that space, that's where the, quote, contraband decision was made. And it was a pivotal turning point in the in the Civil War where those folks that had been enslaved. Self emancipated and they were now considered contraband of war and were not returned to enslavement. That changed [00:25:30] a lot for the Civil War. Well, what does that now mean? How do we have that conversation about equity? How do we have that conversation about enslavement? How do we have the conversation about the ripple effects and the ongoing impact that the history that is told and understood at Fort Monroe National Monument. What better place to have that conversation right here in the heart of the [00:26:00] south, where there was the well, say the capital of the Confederacy was in Virginia. And here is this union fort. This union controlled fort in the middle of the capital of the Confederacy. What a great place to talk about what freedom means. So the value of a national park is not just imbued in the economics that it brings to the area, but in our ability to have a civil society [00:26:30] that allows us to have these conversations, to understand where we have done well, where we have done wrong, and how we can be better as a nation into the future.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Kersten told me about one of the newest additions to the National Park System, dedicated in March of 2020 to the Amaechi National Historical Site. It is also known as the Granada Relocation Center, where more than 10,000 Japanese-Americans were interned during World War Two. Now, the ostensible [00:27:00] goal here, according to the government officials who have been talking about it, is to preserve a site reflective of an abhorrent period in American history and to teach visitors what we as a nation did to our own citizens. And that happened in large part because of a high school teacher who'd been working with his students for 25 years to preserve the site. President Biden signing a bill this afternoon designated Amaechi as the nation's newest national park. The former Japanese-American [00:27:30] internment camp is located in southeastern Colorado and Grenada and near Lamar.

 

Nick Capodice: It occurs to me that the park system is kind of like a living archive. It can set a place aside at the federal level that serves as proof of something having happened or something happening right now. Or sure, something being beautiful or scientifically interesting. Its artifacts and art.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, I spoke about this with both Kirsten and Will Shaffer, both [00:28:00] from the Parks Foundation, and both saw that aspect as an opportunity to skirt politicization. Will talked about, for example, the fact that Glacier National Park will serve as a testament to climate change simply by melting away.

 

Will Shafroth: We don't expect there to be glaciers in by 2040, you know, and so there are things that that we can help in a very safe context that is apolitical and a judgmental and just say, here's what's going on. [00:28:30] It's also what we can do. And around a whole different set of issues around racial justice and equity that the parks really provide a place to tell the truth, to tell the truth about our nation's history and the long journey that we've taken to get to where we are and frankly, just how much further we still have to go. In a lot of ways, they just are just kind of telling the truth.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Of course, for something to get to that point, it has to go through the political process. It has [00:29:00] to be presented as worthy of the Park Service, worthy of federal money. I come back again to that well-trodden line. The National Park Service is America's best idea. And I kind of think it's more like the National Park Service reflects American ethos. The changes to the system are, in part a result of citizens and organizations saying, Hey, this is important, don't look away. This is America. Whether you like it or not, you better put it in the [00:29:30] archive before we forget.

 

Kirsten Talken-Spaulding: Over 400 units. There's a reason why there are so many. You can't tell the nation story at just a handful of national parks. You've got to have all of those voices, all of those stories, those dissonant times, those joyful times. You've got to have all of that together to really make an incredible symphony. And that's part of what our national park system does for the nation.

 

Hannah McCarthy: This [00:30:00] episode was produced by me, Hannah McCarthy with help from Nick Capodice. Christina Phillips is our senior producer. Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton. Rebecca Lavoie is our executive producer. Music In this episode by Nul Tiel Records, Evan Schaefer, Kesha, Walt Adams, Site of Wonders, Dusty Decks, [00:30:30] HoliznaRAPS and Margareta. If you liked this episode, please consider writing a review. It tells us how we're doing. It tells us you're listening. We actually care about that. Thanks for everything. Civics 101 is a production of NHPR New Hampshire Public Radio.

 


 
 

Made possible in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Follow Civics 101 on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

M, F & X: Gender Markers & Government Documents

The government issues IDs so we can prove who we say we are, and since the start, that’s included an expression of binary (male or female) gender. Now, some states - and even the federal government - are starting to change that.  

LGBTQ+ reporter Kate Sosin is our guide.

 

 

Transcript

To come! Check back soon.


 
 

Made possible in part by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Follow Civics 101 on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

What Does the 2nd Amendment Say?

CLICK HERE TO LISTEN TO AND FOLLOW CIVICS 101 ON YOUR FAVORITE PODCAST APP.

Today we learn about the 27 words that have been interpreted and reinterpreted by historians, activists, judges, and philosophers. What did the 2nd Amendment mean when it was written? What does it mean right now? And what happened in between?

Today's episode features Saul Cornell, professor of history at Fordham University and author of A Well Regulated Militia, Alexandra Filindra, professor of political science at University of Illinois Chicago and author of the upcoming Race, Rights, and Rifles, and Jake Charles, lecturing fellow and executive director of the Center for Firearms Law at Duke Law. 

Listen here:


Transcript

Archival: The right to keep and bear arms is the one right that allows rights to exist at all. Now, either you believe that or you don't, and you must decide because there's no such thing as a free nation where police and military are allowed the force of arms, but individual citizens are not.

Saul Cornell: I often say if we go back to what the founders thought about guns, it would be the worst nightmare for gun rights people and gun control people. Because [00:00:30] you get rid of stand your ground, your duty would be to retreat. The government would inspect your firearm in your home. It would penalize you if you pick the gun you want instead of the gun the government wanted for you. On the other hand, be more like living in Switzerland or Tel Aviv because we would all be part of a well-regulated militia and we would have to drop everything at a minute's notice and report to muster.

Nick Capodice: You're listening to Civics 101. I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy: I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice: And at the top, you heard actor and former president [00:01:00] of the NRA, Charlton Heston. There's going to be more of him later. And right after that, you heard Saul Cornell. He's a professor of history at Fordham University, and he wrote the book A well-regulated Militia. Saul teaches popular constitutionalism in the Early Republic. And we talked to Saul because today we're talking about the Second Amendment, what it meant when it was ratified, what it means as of this moment and what happened in between. We're also going to talk about the amendment in the Supreme Court, the [00:01:30] NRA and the truly unique relationship between our country and gun ownership.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. That's a lot. Yeah, that's a bit of a labyrinth. So can we just start with the words? What does the Second Amendment say?

Saul Cornell: So the Second Amendment, which is probably the most frequently invoked and poorly understood part of the first ten amendments, reads A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, [00:02:00] the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.

Hannah McCarthy: So all said, frequently invoked and poorly understood. I mean, we have trouble whenever we try to understand the intent of the framers in their historical context. And regardless of their intent, that kind of doesn't matter. Because what matters is the people who interpret the Constitution whose job it is to do so. The Supreme Court.

Nick Capodice: Yes, absolutely. When the Supreme Court says what something means, it means [00:02:30] that as far as the law is concerned. But back to the intent, the NRA website says, quote, The founding fathers felt that citizens should be able to protect themselves against the government and any other threat to their well-being or personal freedom. But, you know, you don't hear a lot of discourse about what the framers meant when they wrote the Seventh Amendment.

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah. I mean, you don't see like ranting YouTube videos about people talking about why a civil case involving $20 or more should be heard in front of a jury. But back to the Second [00:03:00] Amendment. Why is it so tough to interpret?

Saul Cornell: Modern Americans are quick to say, oh, how did they write such a bad amendment? I mean, how did they manage to screw it up so horribly? But in fact, if you're conversant with the way people talked and wrote about the law in the 18th century, it makes a lot of sense. It uses a very common Latinate construction called the Ablative absolute, and the best way to render it in modern English would be to say because a well-regulated militia is necessary [00:03:30] to security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.

Hannah McCarthy: An ablative absolute.

Nick Capodice: Yeah. I don't want to go too deep into this, but I encourage everyone to look up an article called, "our Latinate Constitution." It's all about how the framers emulated the style of Greek and Latin authors and philosophers. An ablative absolute is an adverbial modifier of the predicate that's not grammatically dependent on any word in the sentence, which I cannot wrap my head around. [00:04:00] Hannah But an example from a Latin textbook is having received the letter, Caesar sends a messenger. Since a well-regulated militia is necessary, the right shall not be infringed.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay, so while we're doing historical context to terms, I want to understand are militia and bear arms?

Nick Capodice: Absolutely. And I'd like to start with what a right to bear arms meant back then.

Saul Cornell: Most of the first state constitutions did not have [00:04:30] a provision on the right to bear arms, which is shocking given our obsession about it today. And perhaps most interesting of all, when they did include such provision, they often included a balancing provision which protected the right not to bear arms.

Hannah McCarthy: Why would you need that right not to bear arms? What does that mean?

Saul Cornell: Bearing arms in the 18th century was an obligation, and we're not used to thinking of rights as carrying obligations in modern American law. We generally think that if [00:05:00] you have a right, it imposes an obligation on either the government or other people to respect that right.

Nick Capodice: In 1792, you were obliged as a white male between the ages of 18 and 45 to buy, keep and maintain your own military weapon, ammunition, backpack, all that stuff. You had to submit it for inspection, and you had to always be ready to report to serve your country if needed.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay, but why would someone need to have a right to [00:05:30] not bear arms.

Nick Capodice: Because of their religion. These were religious pacifists and we're sort of touching on First Amendment territory here. But Saul gave me the example of the Quakers.

Saul Cornell: Quakers by the time that the Second Amendment was adopted, had won the ability in Pennsylvania not to bear arms, because the Pennsylvania Constitution is one of those states with a provision that says you cannot be forced to bear arms. But that wasn't good enough for them. They [00:06:00] felt that any support for militia activity or warlike behavior violated their peace testimony. I mean, they literally took the idea of turning the other cheek as you just turn the other cheek, you do not you don't engage in war like activity. You don't engage in any kind of violence, verbal or physical. And these Quakers refused to even pay taxes to support the militia.

Nick Capodice: And if we're looking at it through the modern day [00:06:30] lens of bearing arms as just having a weapon, the Quakers certainly did that. They were hunting with guns. They even manufactured guns. But at that time that wasn't bearing arms. If you were playing a drum in an army, if you were carrying a stretcher that is bearing arms, it's supporting war.

Saul Cornell: It just shows you how different their world is and how most of the people talk about the Second Amendment today are just essentially functionally illiterate in 18th century constitutional [00:07:00] English. And what they do is they project backwards our obsessions and our understanding. And of course, in modern America, having a Glock in your bedside table so you can kill people is how most people think of what it means to bear arms.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. Let's move on to a well-regulated militia. How does a militia differ from the US army?

Nick Capodice: Okay. First, a quick clarifier. When we're talking about militia in this episode, we [00:07:30] are not talking about what law enforcement today called the American militia movement. That's modern day paramilitary organizations. We're not talking about those. But this is interesting. The Continental Army, which fought the American Revolution, was disbanded almost immediately after the war, and then state militias took their place and became our only ground army.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. You said white males from 18-45 would be required to enlist; can we get into the white male part of that, please?

Alexandra Filindra: So basically, this is the definition of who is a [00:08:00] citizen in Republican terms, who gets to be a citizen in these two dimensions of citizenship.

Nick Capodice: This is Alexandra Filindra. She's a professor of political science at the University of Illinois at Chicago. She's also the author of the upcoming book Race Rights and Rifles. And Alexandra talked to me about Republicanism. This is not related to the modern day Republican Party. Republicanism is the political ideology. In early America. That was the basis for our revolution [00:08:30] and our foundational documents. And that ideology continues in the history that America is writing for itself today.

Alexandra Filindra: Americans had to explain to themselves and to the world why it was that there were this race and gender based restrictions, right, to who gets to be a citizen. So you need a theory because Republicanism basically says that in order to be a good citizen, [00:09:00] you have to be willing to die for the country. You have to be willing to use violence and bear arms for the purpose of the Republic. So in the American context, the myth that was created was that white colonists proved themselves to be virtuous and therefore deserving of Republican citizenship because they fought to death at the revolution.

Nick Capodice: The Boston Tea Party. Shay's Rebellion. [00:09:30] The Revolution itself. The Confederacy in the U.S. Civil War. These are violent anti-government uprisings, and they have been spoken of with words like patriot freedom fighters. One book was written that said the South had a, quote, honorable defeat.

Alexandra Filindra: And we see that over and over in American history when African Americans use violence and armed violence. It is described [00:10:00] in the language of criminality. Whereas the guys who went to the insurrection on January 6th, it was described in the language of liberty, freedom, don't tread on me. These high moral and political principles and these don't apply to African Americans in in this white male supremacist world. And this is how [00:10:30] guns became symbolic and very positively symbolic of white good citizenship.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. So Alexandra is saying that it is uncommon to see instances of black Americans displaying arms. I'm thinking of the Black Panthers, for example. Or using violence and then hear it described as an act of patriotism.

Nick Capodice: Right. And to support her point, you can just read modern day responses [00:11:00] or the lack thereof from the NRA. And NRA supported politicians regarding instances where police have killed legally armed Black Americans.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. So getting back to the militia, that's not how we do things anymore, Nick. So what changed the system?

Nick Capodice: Well, frankly, the system changed due to its effectiveness or should I say ineffectiveness.

Alexandra Filindra: In reality, the militia was useless as a military organization. [00:11:30] They were horrible because the states didn't have the money or the interest to train them and because they were citizen soldiers, they could vote out any politician who insisted on rigorous training. They like the trappings of military service because this is service in quotes. They like the uniforms and they like the weapons, and they run around doing drills with fancy weapons of the time and fancy uniforms. [00:12:00] But when it came to real training, they didn't want to do it.

Nick Capodice: There were enormous problems with militia members deserting in the war of 1812, but the biggest demonstration of the failings in the system was the Civil War

Alexandra Filindra: In the Civil War, the militia showed how badly trained there were. There were constantly brawling, and they weren't working with each other from different states because they didn't have any contact. They had no organizational training, [00:12:30] and they were drunk.

Nick Capodice: And a group of officers from the New York State militia who saw how terribly the militia had performed in the Civil War, devoted themselves to the task of training them, specifically training them how to shoot better records from the union estimated that its troops fired about 1000 rifle shots for each Confederate soldier hit.

Hannah McCarthy: So they weren't just ineffective. They were also, I would assume, costing a lot of money.

Nick Capodice: Yeah. So this new group of officers sent emissaries to other [00:13:00] countries that had militias Germany, the U.K, Canada to see how they train their soldiers to shoot better. And in 1871, this group was chartered in New York State as an association for the purpose of teaching marksmanship.

Hannah McCarthy: Is this going where I think it's going, yeah. An association that would teach people nationally how to properly use their rifles.

Nick Capodice: You got it. This is the birth of [00:13:30] the NRA.

Alexandra Filindra: In the early 1900s when a very, very famous National Guardsman was President Teddy Roosevelt. They were able to get out of Teddy Roosevelt, a new law which provided a subsidy and a monopoly to the NRA for the purpose of training civilians in marksmanship. The federal government committed the provision of surplus weapons [00:14:00] and ammunition for free or at a cost exclusively to NRA and its members for the purpose of military preparedness to morally and in terms of technical skills, create soldiers out of civilians for the purposes of the draft. The NRA didn't become powerful. It was powerful because the NRA was basically the same thing as the National Guards.

Hannah McCarthy: What [00:14:30] does she mean that the NRA was the same thing as the National Guard?

Nick Capodice: Well, in 1903, the state militias were all renamed the National Guard, and they were exclusively trained by the NRA. The heads of the National Guard were the heads of the NRA. Alexander told me a story about a congressional hearings in the 1930s where a guy testified in front of the House as the president of the NRA, and then two days later, the same guy testified in the Senate as the adjutant general of the National [00:15:00] Guard.

Hannah McCarthy: Is that not kind of a conflict of interest?

Nick Capodice: I mean, it is. But honestly, nobody really cared much at the time because everyone was all in on this program of training civilians to protect the government.

Hannah McCarthy: Did the program work?

Nick Capodice: No.

Alexandra Filindra: Because the idea was, okay, we will get them young. We will teach them how to use a gun. And then they will be so excited and morally uplifted by this that they'll want to be in the army. This didn't happen. This was hugely wasted money. [00:15:30] And even though report after report showed that this was wasted money, the program exists today. It stopped being a monopoly of the NRA in 1968. But for an entire century, basically, the NRA had a monopoly over this program that basically gave free guns and ammunition to citizens just for being members of the NRA and members of gun clubs.

Hannah McCarthy: What happened [00:16:00] in 1968 that ended the NRA's monopoly?

Nick Capodice: A lot. A lot happened in the 1960s. And here's where we start to talk about how the Second Amendment legally affects us. And that's coming up right after the break here on Civics 101.

Hannah McCarthy: But first, a reminder that our show is public media and you are the public. Support it with a donation in any amount at our website civics101podcast.org or click the link in the show notes to make a donation [00:16:30] right now.

Nick Capodice: All right, we're back. We're talking about the Second Amendment.

Hannah McCarthy: Now, Nick, we've gotten into the history of the amendment, but now I'd really like to hear about the laws. You mentioned 1968. Is that the year of the first federal gun legislation?

Nick Capodice: Well, I'd love to go a little bit earlier than that. Here is Saul Cornell, professor of history at Fordham University and former director of the Second Amendment Research Center.

Saul Cornell: You can go back to the 14th [00:17:00] century and the statue of Northampton. Hundreds of years before guns even exist. And you have a law in Britain saying you cannot go armed. In this case, it wouldn't be firearms before the king's ministers or in fairs or markets, because there is this notion that carrying arms in heavily populous areas is just not a good idea. Although in most parts of the world, the idea that modern American gun [00:17:30] regulation would depend on a statute passed in the 14th century where there were no guns makes most people in the rest of the English speaking world both laugh and kind of shake their head like, what is going on with you people? And what is this theory of originalism where you actually care more about what was going on in 1328 than the massacres you see now with almost appalling frequency?

Hannah McCarthy: Is Saul implying that much of the world would be baffled by our devotion to adhering to these laws [00:18:00] written so long ago?

Nick Capodice: I think he is. But we do focus on the intent of our framers, specifically when it comes to the Second Amendment. So I'm going to get into it. During the American Revolution, authorities would forcibly disarm you if you didn't swear a loyalty oath to protect your government. You could hunt. You could keep a gun in your house, though, in Boston in 1786, you couldn't keep a loaded one there. And if it was a military issued gun, it had to be registered and regularly checked by your militia. But you were forbidden from having what we now call open carry [00:18:30] guns just out and about when traveling or being in public places. And later on, these rules also extended to places where due to Hollywood, we tend not to think of as heavily restricted gun wise. Here's Alexandra Filindra again.

Alexandra Filindra: Even then, you know, you carrying your arms. But if you went to the okay Corral, the town required you in Arizona and Tombstone. [00:19:00] Arizona required you to leave your guns at the entry of the town before entering it. So, no, no guns were allowed into the town. Very, very regulated, guns wise west.

Saul Cornell: The idea we have always carried guns everywhere all the time is just another gun rights fantasy masquerading as history.

Hannah McCarthy: That's carrying guns in public, though. What about carrying a gun in secret?

Nick Capodice: Oh, legislators passed way more laws preventing that more than open carry.

Alexandra Filindra: Traditionally, in the 19th [00:19:30] century, people were far more concerned about concealed carry than public carry. It's only the criminals who have guns that can be hidden because they're going to attack you when you don't expect it.

Nick Capodice: All of this legislation being it permitting open carry in certain circumstances or banning it in others never comes to the federal level as far as the Supreme Court is involved. Until the 1930s U.S. [00:20:00] v miller, 1939, Jack Miller violated the National Firearms Act of 1934 and carried a sawed off shotgun across state lines.

Hannah McCarthy: And that was illegal at the time.

Nick Capodice: It was. In 1934. We were just coming off an enormous amount of armed violence in the era of prohibition and gang activity, the St Valentine's Day massacre, the National Firearms Act, the NFA put an exorbitant tax on weapons used during that era. So I'm talking [00:20:30] about the Thompson or the Tommy gun. Sawed off shotguns. Silencers on pistols. Explosives like grenades and bombs. Now, the act initially included handguns as well. And interestingly, the NRA supported the National Firearms Act. They helped shape its wording. They agreed there's no place for Tommy guns and grenades in America, but they disagreed with the handgun restriction. So that was stripped out. But back to Jack Miller. Miller was caught with a sawed [00:21:00] off shotgun and he argued the NFA violated his Second Amendment rights.

Hannah McCarthy: So the Second Amendment finally got its day in court.

Nick Capodice: Yeah, kinda. And it comes and goes pretty fast.

Hannah McCarthy: What was the decision?

Nick Capodice: It was unanimous. Miller lost. All of the Supreme Court justices agreed the NFA is not unconstitutional because the Second Amendment has nothing to do with gun ownership [00:21:30] outside the context of a well-regulated militia. Justice McReynolds wrote the opinion where he said, unless having a sawed off shotgun, quote, has some reasonable relationship to the preservation or efficiency of a well-regulated militia, we cannot say that the Second Amendment guarantees the right to keep and bear such an instrument.

Hannah McCarthy: Okay. See, that opinion seems to have very little to do with what I consider sort of prevailing interpretations of the Second Amendment. How long until we see a case where it's [00:22:00] discussed with more detail and debate?

Nick Capodice: About seven years. And before we talk about the more recent Supreme Court interpretation of the Second Amendment. A lot of stuff happens in the US.

Alexandra Filindra: After several attempted assassinations against presidents and after the successful assassination of Kennedy and after the successful assassination of Bobby Kennedy and the successful assassination of Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, you name it. But another problem was [00:22:30] that Klan members and the Minutemen and other extremist organizations in the sixties became members of the NRA and and got access to federal guns and ammunition to fight against the civil rights movement and also against the federal government. And that kind of became a problem and the NRA was investigated.

Hannah McCarthy: What was the result of the investigation?

Nick Capodice: I don't know because it's not public. Alexandra only had a summary of the investigation and she's been trying to get her hands on the full report [00:23:00] for a long time. She hasn't been able to. But shortly thereafter, Lyndon Johnson ended the NRA's monopoly on training the National Guard, and he signed the 1968 Gun Control Act.

Archival: Today, we began to disarm the criminal and the careless and the insane. And all of our people who are deeply concerned in this country about law and order should hale this day.

Nick Capodice: Now that act [00:23:30] banned mail order sales of shotguns and rifles and it prohibited felons and drug users and people found mentally incompetent from purchasing any guns. And this is where the NRA made a big pivot.

Jake Charles: So in the mid 1970s, there was what's called the revolt at Cincinnati with the National Rifle Association.

Nick Capodice: This is Jake Charles. He's the executive director at the Center for Firearms Law at Duke University School of Law.

Jake Charles: And [00:24:00] what that refers to is a moment in time where hardliners in the NRA who thought the NRA was being kind of too cozy with those who were in favor of regulations, what at the time were kind of some fairly mild regulations. The hardliners thought the NRA was not taking enough of a stance for the Second Amendment. And so they took over the organization. And the organization after that point became the organization that we know it today, which is an organization [00:24:30] that is opposed to most forms of gun regulation.

Nick Capodice: The revolt of Cincinnati was in 1977, and I don't think I can overstate its importance. So again, in the late 1960s, the NRA was not politically powerful. It was fairly flexible about gun regulation. But at their convention in 1977, the hard liners who opposed any gun legislation whatsoever outnumbered those who were open to regulation. [00:25:00] New leaders indeed took over, and there was an adoption of a do not give one inch mentality towards firearm legislation. And very quickly, the NRA's focus shifted. It was no longer just about hunting or marksmanship, but something else entirely. It was about opposition to gun legislation, and it was about mobilizing voters.

Archival: And this is where the NRA organizes its million plus members. This [00:25:30] is headquarters in Washington. Buzz computerized, heavily staffed, well-funded and geared for action. Friend and foe agree. The NRA's power to scare congressmen lies in its ability to mobilize its members in any congressional district at the touch of a computer button.

Jake Charles: What we see then is the NRA in 1980 is endorsing Ronald Reagan. It's the first time the NRA endorsed a presidential candidate. Ronald Reagan returned the favor once [00:26:00] he was in office and he would became a very pro gun president. And so the eighties, we see the Congress enacts the Firearm Owners Protection Act, which provides a lot of rolls back some of the federal regulations there have been on guns and protects gun rights a lot. Keep fast forwarding the gun rights movement becomes kind of more powerful. The NRA becomes more powerful. We start to see these challenges to what had been the prevailing interpretation of the Second Amendment for [00:26:30] at least 100 years, which was that it was tied to the militia.

Nick Capodice: And this is when we started to hear things like this.

Archival: So it's not unreasonable that with one lost generation we could lose the Second Amendment forever because we didn't teach them what the battle is all about. We didn't strike that spark in their hearts that lights the fire for freedom.

Nick Capodice: That, again, was Charlton Heston, five turned president of the NRA in an NRA produced short film called A Torch [00:27:00] with No Flame.

Hannah McCarthy: Are you saying that until the 1980s, the Second Amendment was not really talked about as pertaining to an individual's right to own a gun?

Nick Capodice: That is what I'm saying. It was not. I watched an episode of 60 Minutes from 1977 on the inner workings and beliefs of the NRA. And the Second Amendment wasn't mentioned even once, and I was quite shocked to learn about this. Hanna And I was so shocked that I asked Jake that exact question. [00:27:30] Was this interpretation new?

Jake Charles: Yes, I think that's I think that's a fair way to put it at the NRA's kind of energizing moment in the seventies. And with Reagan's presidency in the eighties was first or not first, but at least alongside advocates, we saw legal scholars publishing and we saw gun rights activists publishing in law reviews and in legal journals arguments. The Second Amendment had been misinterpreted for the past hundred years by [00:28:00] the federal courts, and that actually does protect an individual right. They claim to discover a lost history that hadn't been there before and that everyone had overlooked when they were interpreting the Second Amendment, and that it actually protects an individual right unconnected to any service in a militia. So it certainly has not been the prevailing view throughout American history. There is really strenuous debate about how much of it is recovering, what had been an old view that was lost and how much of it is. Creating a new view that responds to current [00:28:30] concerns.

Hannah McCarthy: So basically, the NRA is not just lobbying members of Congress. They're contributing a new philosophy to the academic and legal discourse.

Nick Capodice: They are. But as Jake said, there is to this day debate about whether this philosophy is completely new or it existed hundreds of years ago. And we're just bringing it up again. And to add to this thought, former chief justice of the Supreme Court, Warren Burger, in an interview with PBS in 1991, said that the gun lobby's modern day interpretation of the Second Amendment was, [00:29:00] quote, one of the greatest pieces of fraud. I repeat the word fraud on the American public by special interest groups that I have ever seen in my lifetime, end quote. And all this brings us to the next Supreme Court decision invoking the Second Amendment. District of Columbia, the Heller.

Archival: We will hear argument today in case 072 90, District of Columbia versus Heller. Mr. DELLINGER. Good [00:29:30] morning, Mr. Chief Justice. It may please. The Court The Second Amendment was a direct response to concern over Article one, Section eight of the Constitution, which gave the new name.

Nick Capodice: And by 2008 there had been a few federal laws regarding guns and lots of state and municipal restrictions. The big ones that I should mention here are the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act, often called just the Brady Bill from 1993. That requires instant background checks to be performed when anybody [00:30:00] buys a gun. Now, there are loopholes to this. By the way, a study in 2017 found that 22% of gun purchases happen without a background check. And when we're looking at state and municipal gun laws, the relevant one in this case is one from 1975. It's a law that forbid residents of Washington, D.C. from keeping handguns in their homes. Dick Anthony Heller was one of six parties in this case. He was a police officer who used a gun at work, but he said he wasn't [00:30:30] allowed to have one in his home. The case was argued in March of 2008 and the court issued its opinion three months later.

Archival: Our opinion is very lengthy, examining in detail the text and history of the Second Amendment.

Hannah McCarthy: How did they rule.

Nick Capodice: For Heller. For the view that the Second Amendment protects your right to own a gun in your home.

Jake Charles: And in Heller? The Supreme Court endorses that view by a vote of 5 to 4. So it's the five more conservative justices on the side of the Second [00:31:00] Amendment protects this individual right and the four more liberal justices who look at the same history, the same sources that the majority looks, looks at and says, actually, it's tied to a militia. It's not an individual. Right. Unconnected to what that prefatory clause says it's connected to. Right. And what the court said in Heller, or at least the five justices in the majority, what they said was the militia was the reason for the codification of the Second Amendment. This is the reason they drafted it and put it in the Constitution. But their [00:31:30] reasons for putting it in there don't restrict what the scope of the right was. And so what they said, the scope of the right is, is this second clause the right of the people to keep and bear arms? And what Justice Scalia said, writing for the majority, was that self defense is at that core of the right of the people to keep and bear arms. It might not have been the reason that they put it in there, the reason they ratified the Second Amendment. But that was the core of the right that they were protecting.

Nick Capodice: And now, because the Supreme Court is the interpreter of [00:32:00] the words in our Constitution, the Second Amendment is about our right to own a gun, regardless of our involvement with the militia.

Hannah McCarthy: All right. The Heller decision allows handgun ownership federally, but as we see with so many Supreme Court decisions, you know, it often takes some time for that decision to apply to all the states. And this matters a lot because state laws are the ones that actually affect our lives.

Nick Capodice: Right. And the Heller decision took two years to apply to all the states, which it did in another 5 [00:32:30] to 4 ruling almost the same justices except in the minority. You got Justice Sotomayor instead of the now retired Justice Souter. And this is a case called McDonald V City of Chicago. Chicago being another city where handgun ownership was restricted. And this opinion was written by Justice Alito.

Saul Cornell: And in the McDonald decision, which was the case that applied Heller to the states and to localities, incorporated the Second Amendment, to use a phrase familiar to those of you who [00:33:00] study the Constitution out there. So Justice Alito says, well, clearly they decided to rewrite these provisions and take away the focus on the militia. So therefore, it's an individual right, which. Fair enough. But he stops reading right in the middle of the sentence, because the very next line in all these state constitutions is in the legislature shall have the right to regulate arms in public.

Nick Capodice: For example, in his opinion, Justice Alito references the Texas Constitution of 1869, which does say, quote, [00:33:30] Every person shall have the right to keep and bear arms in the lawful defense of himself or the state. But there is no mention of the second half of the sentence which says, quote, under such regulations as the legislature may prescribe.

Saul Cornell: So literally, you have the originalists being textualists; to the point in the text where it contradicts what they want to do. What tends to happen in American constitutional law all too often is we invoke history. But the history that we use to construct [00:34:00] our law is a kind of bizarre combination of mythology, ignorance and anachronism, which is a fairly potent cocktail. If you're mixing one up, you know, one part ignorance, one part anachronism and one part myth. I mean, it's a heady brew, but it's it's not really what historians understand the past to be. I mean, the the basic principle we start [00:34:30] with as historians is if you're not a little confused by how differently they approach something, you're probably not understanding what they meant.

Hannah McCarthy: Now this is an episode about the Second Amendment and its history and its interpretation in the courts and the public discourse. But it is also about America's relationship to guns. Now, when the Constitution was written, [00:35:00] our framers were wary of parties, right? They were wary of factions, even though they happened almost immediately and over the years. Gun regulation has indeed become a partisan topic.

Nick Capodice: It has a very partisan topic, and it's grown more partisan over the last 30 years. A quick example. In 1992, the NRA donated to the campaigns of candidates for the House and a 6040 split, 60% to Republicans, 40% to Democrats. But in 2016, [00:35:30] Republican candidates received 98.4% of such donations.

Hannah McCarthy: Nick, what's next? If we are so deeply divided on this, what can we expect in the next 50 years?

Nick Capodice: Well, since Jake Charles teaches a class at Duke just on the Second Amendment, I asked him what his students say. Do any of them change their mind?

Jake Charles: So I think most of my students come into class thinking that [00:36:00] gun regulations are totally fine and that the Heller decision is bogus. I think by the end of class, they're both conflicted about both of those from the kind of that side of the aisle in that, you know, there is an ambiguous history there. Right. There are things you can point to in the founding era, these concerns about tyranny, these protections for an individual to defend themselves. And so there's lots of there's [00:36:30] maybe more evidence than they had thought there would be. When they just look at the Second Amendment, they're more conflicted about these regulations over particular people possessing firearms. Most of them, I think, get to that point in the class and they say, well, if we're going to have this right, it's got to be available to everybody. It doesn't make sense to limit it to these classes. That's just, you know, that's just racist or classist. On the other side, I think what a lot of my students who are against regulation are strong Second Amendment supporters come away a little more conflicted about is [00:37:00] that the fact we're not talking about are you for the Second Amendment or are you for gun regulation? It's always throughout American history been been both. There has been a strong gun culture. There has been a strong regulation culture. And so it's not just this monolith of of are you for gun regulation, it's this particular proposal. Are you for this particular proposal? And a lot of them say, well, yeah, not everyone should have guns.

Hannah McCarthy: Now we're recording this episode three weeks after the mass shooting in Buffalo, two [00:37:30] weeks after the school mass shooting in Uvalde, Texas, and one week after the Warren Clinic shooting in Tulsa. So from a constitutional Second Amendment viewpoint, Nick, are things going to change? Did your guests talk about how we can consider gun rights in the light of America being the mass shooting capital of the world?

Nick Capodice: Yeah, they did. Alexandra Filindra said she didn't think anything would change anytime soon as gun control is such a volatile topic [00:38:00] that nobody specifically no Republican running for Congress would dare talk about restricting access to guns because they'd be primaried out. But I have to add, as of just a handful of days before this recording, there has been an announcement of a bipartisan deal on gun legislation. It's the first of its kind in over 30 years.

Archival: Tonight, with the news of a tentative bipartisan Senate agreement on what would be the biggest new federal gun legislation in decades, the [00:38:30] package is narrow and short of what President Biden and many Democrats want.

Nick Capodice: And to be clear, yes, as of June 14th, no bill has been proposed in the legislation drafted, but ten senators from both parties have worked on it. Now, Jake said there are certain regulations that his students on both sides of the debate agree upon. Specifically red flag laws. Those are laws that allow the police, family members or coworkers to petition the state court to disarm [00:39:00] someone they believe is a danger to themselves or others. And finally, Saul said, We're not going to get anywhere if we don't talk about it.

Saul Cornell: So any reasonable approach to the problem of gun violence in America, because it is a uniquely American problem, at least in the industrial democracies of the world, has to both recognize that gun ownership, private gun ownership, is a deeply rooted tradition in value in American [00:39:30] life, but so is gun regulation. So the logical and reasonable argument we should be having is, are there any things we could be doing that would reduce the toll and horror of gun violence, that doesn't impose an unreasonable cost on those people who want to have guns? And is it possible to formulate policies that make it more difficult for people? We don't want to have guns to have [00:40:00] them that again, only minimally burden those who want to have guns. That would be a calm, thoughtful, productive discussion, which we never have had as a country in my lifetime. And which would be nice to have.

Nick Capodice: This [00:40:30] episode was written and produced by me Nick Capodice with Hannah McCarthy. Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton, Christina Phillips as her senior producer, and Rebecca Lavoie our executive producer. Music In this episode by Frances Wells, Peter Sandberg Auto Hacker Apollo [00:41:00] Site of wonders, dam of Beats Peerless Golden Age Radio Major tweaks Fabian tell pictures of a floating world. I love using that song, Cooper Cannell, Blue Dot Sessions, Those Tried and True Warhorses, and the Man. The Myth. The Legend. Chris Zabriskie. Civics 101 is a production of NHPR New Hampshire Public Radio. All right.


 
 

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Precedent and the Leaked Draft SCOTUS Opinion

Is the leaked Supreme Court draft opinion a roadmap for how this court could overturn landmark cases in the future?

A leaked draft opinion in a Supreme Court case about abortion reveals that a majority of the justices were, at the time of this draft's release, in favor of overturning the precedent set in Roe v Wade that protected abortion access. 

In our recent episode on judicial precedent, we talked about how the Supreme Court interprets the law, and how precedent gives that interpretation power, ensuring the law is applied equally to everyone. We also talked about how and why the Supreme Court might reconsider, modify, or overturn its own precedent. In this episode, we look at how the draft opinion treats precedent, and how that differs from the way the Supreme Court has treated precedent in the past, including in decisions about abortion. And we talk about the impact this could have, should this draft opinion become final, both on the Supreme Court, and on society. 

We talk to Nina Varsava, a law professor at University of Wisconsin, Madison who studies judicial precedent, and wrote the article, "Precedent on Precedent," and Rachel Rebouche, a law professor at Temple University who specializes in family law, health care law, and comparative family law, and has written about the potential impact of overturning Roe v Wade


Transcript

Precedent and the Leaked Draft SCOTUS Opinion: Audio automatically transcribed by Sonix

Precedent and the Leaked Draft SCOTUS Opinion: this mp3 audio file was automatically transcribed by Sonix with the best speech-to-text algorithms. This transcript may contain errors.

Hannah McCarthy:
Hey, everybody, it's about to be really apparent, but I am tracking this with a bad cold. Life happens.

Hannah McCarthy:
The Supreme Court is an institution, an institution with over 230 years of weighty decision making.

Hannah McCarthy:
Now, many of these decisions happen without the majority of people in the United States paying much attention. But every once in a while, you get a landmark.

Hannah McCarthy:
A decision that fundamentally alters lived experience. That has widespread legal implications. That throws the nation into heated debate or celebration.

Hannah McCarthy:
It's decisions like these that people either come to depend on or commit their lives to working against. But come on. The Supreme Court changing its mind.

News Audio:
According to an initial draft majority opinion written by Justice Samuel Alito circulated inside the court and obtained by Politico. The Supreme Court has voted to strike down the landmark Roe versus Wade decision.

Hannah McCarthy:
What are the chances of that? This is Civics 101. I'm Hannah McCarthy.

Nick Capodice:
I'm Nick Capodice.

Hannah McCarthy:
And today we are talking about the leak that shook the nation. A draft opinion from the Supreme Court authored by Justice Samuel Alito, arguing that Roe v Wade should be overturned, arguing that it was the wrong decision to make in the first place, that the federally protected right to abortion as a part of a right to privacy, the precedent established by Roe v Wade should not exist.

Hannah McCarthy:
Right now, and we're tracking this on June 7th, 2022. That opinion is not official. However, it marks an historic moment in how the Supreme Court is treating its own landmark precedent. And no matter the outcome, this draft is a snapshot of how our current Supreme Court is evaluating the merits of its own past precedent in one of the most controversial and significant landmark decisions in recent history.

Hannah McCarthy:
In our episode on judicial precedent, we talked about how the Supreme Court rarely overturns or reverses its own precedent. We also talked about how the precedent set in Roe v Wade was modified in 1992. Today we are talking about how the draft opinion in Dobbs V Jackson Women's Health Organization looks different and what that draft opinion should it be adopted could mean for our country and for judicial precedent itself.

Nick Capodice:
All right, Hanna, let's unpack the case at the center of this leak.

Hannah McCarthy:
The case which we will refer to in this episode as Dobbs, started in 2018 when Mississippi passed a law that banned abortion after 15 weeks, except in cases of medical emergencies or severe fetal anomaly. And the state's only abortion clinic, Jackson Women's Health Organization, sued the state's health department, naming the state health officer Thomas Dobbs. They said that the new law violated the precedent set by Roe v Wade and upheld by Planned Parenthood v Casey, the 1992 case that modified Roe v Wade but said that states could not outright ban abortion.

Rachel Rebouche:
One of the things that most people interpreted Casey to provide is that states can do a lot to regulate abortion well before viability, that they can't ban it. And that's what Mississippi did.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Rachel Rebouche. She's a law professor at Temple University, where she focuses on reproductive health, including abortion law.

Rachel Rebouche:
Mississippi passed a law that said if passed 15 weeks, no, no legal abortion in the state, that's well before viability. And the fact that the court took the case in the first place suggested to most people that the court was either going to overturn Roe or announce a new test, because it's not as if it wasn't clear that Casey had stood for the proposition that you can't ban abortion before viability.

Hannah McCarthy:
The district court, which is bound by the precedent set by the Supreme Court, agreed with Jackson women's health and said, yes, this law does violate the rule. So Mississippi, that's the Dobbs side appealed in circuit court and the circuit court upheld the district court ruling. It said, yes, this law cannot stand.

Nick Capodice:
So if the Supreme Court did not take up this case, then that law would not have been able to take effect in Mississippi.

Hannah McCarthy:
Correct.

News Audio:
Significant breaking news just into us. The Supreme Court has agreed to take up a major abortion case next term concerning a controversial Mississippi law that bans most abortions after 15 weeks.

Nick Capodice:
Now, the Supreme Court is famously choosy about what cases it takes. It gets thousands of requests a year, and it has to decide which 60 to 80 or so are of national importance.

Hannah McCarthy:
Right. And it's important to note that in the Casey decision in 1992, the Supreme Court thought that maintaining a precedent was important, but that the use of a trimester system to determine when a state could impose restrictions was outdated. So they updated the rule states had to follow to impose restrictions. This rule was that states could not impose a, quote, undue burden on abortion access, but it gave states a lot more leeway to pass restrictions than the original trimester rule in Roe v Wade.

Nick Capodice:
And in our recent episode on precedent, we talked about the reasons why the Supreme Court might reconsider or overturn precedent.

Hannah McCarthy:
And this is known as a stari decisis analysis. Stare decisis is the doctrine of following precedent. So a stare decisis analysis helps the court decide if a precedent should still stand. Basically, is this precedent working? And an analysis typically involves several factors. So let's go through them. Was the law unworkable, meaning it isn't practical or feasible in practice?

Nick Capodice:
And another was if the law was an outlier like it didn't fit with other precedents in similar cases.

Hannah McCarthy:
And third, are there what are called reliance interests.

Nick Capodice:
And that's how much the law, and society and people have come to rely on that precedent.

Hannah McCarthy:
Right. The court needs to consider the impact changing a precedent might have on making sure the law is applied consistently over time. And the last one is, was the reasoning in the case bad or have the facts changed?

Nick Capodice:
So in Planned Parenthood v Casey, how did the Supreme Court address these factors?

Hannah McCarthy:
Here's Justice David Souter, one of the justices who authored the majority opinion, talking about how these factors applied in Casey.

Justice David Souter:
Despite the controversy it has produced, the decision has not proven unworkable in practice, is undoubtedly engendered reliance in countless people who have organized intimate relationships and made choices that define their views of themselves and their places in society. In the two decades since it was handed down. It has not been rendered doctrinally anachronistic. By other legal developments in the past 20 years, and the factual premises on which it rests are no different today from those on which the ruling rested initially.

Nick Capodice:
So it's not unworkable. People are relying on it, and there hasn't been a significant enough shift in the law in 20 years to suggest this decision was an outlier.

Hannah McCarthy:
And furthermore, the decision in case he was really clear about how important it was to not overturn the precedent in Roe when it came to the legitimacy of the Supreme Court, it put a lot of weight on the doctrine of stare decisis. Here is Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, another author of the majority opinion.

Justice Sandra Day O'Connor:
We conclude that the central holding of Roe should be reaffirmed. Some of us as individuals find abortion offensive to our most basic principles of morality, but that can't control our decision. Our obligation is to define the liberty of all, not to mandate our own moral code. After considering the constitutional questions decided in Roe, the principles underlying the institutional integrity of this court and the role of stare decisis, we reaffirm the constitutionally protected liberty of the woman to decide to have an abortion before the fetus attains viability and to obtain it.

Nick Capodice:
Basically, it's really important to maintain our credibility and not be seen as a court that would prioritize personal feelings over the law.

Hannah McCarthy:
And it's worth noting that this was not a unanimous verdict. The court in 1992 was really divided over this, but the Court ultimately reaffirmed the decision in Roe.

Nick Capodice:
So when the Supreme Court of 2022 took up. Dobbs This is also something they could have done. They could have modified the precedent again without overturning it.

Rachel Rebouche:
In fact, a number of people thought that's what this case would do, that the Supreme Court could essentially gut Roe, ditch the test at establishing Casey, and announce a new test that's much easier for the states to meet in upholding state legislation but not overturn Roe.

Hannah McCarthy:
This has been called a rational review.

Rachel Rebouche:
We're going to strike down state restrictions that aren't rational. That's a really easy test for states to meet. Case law has been interpreted as if you could just pass the laugh out loud, test that your carry law is going to be upheld. But, you know, Roe is still good law. There's still a constitutional right to abortion. It's just that viability is and unworkable line. And this is the new test for states to pass.

Hannah McCarthy:
The draft opinion written by Justice Alito could have suggested that the Supreme Court was going to make it even easier for states to restrict abortion without completely overturning Roe.

Rachel Rebouche:
That's not what Justice Alito wrote.

Nick Capodice:
And we're going to get into what Justice Alito wrote right after this.

Nick Capodice:
We're back and we are talking about the leaked Supreme Court draft opinion in Dobbs v Jackson authored by Justice Samuel Alito.

Hannah McCarthy:
In this draft opinion, Justice Alito says that Roe v Wade was bad precedent.

Rachel Rebouche:
He clearly returned abortion back to the states.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Rachel Rebouche.

Rachel Rebouche:
And not as a matter of constitutional protection.

Nina Varsava:
Also, something that might be less explicit or getting less attention about the draft opinion is that it also overrules Casey on stare decisis itself.

Hannah McCarthy:
This is Nina Varsava. She's a law professor at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, and she studies judicial precedent.

Nina Varsava:
I do think that this case could represent a significant shift in how the court deals with stare decisis.

Nick Capodice:
What does she mean when she says that the draft opinion overrules Casey on stare decisis itself?

Hannah McCarthy:
Basically, Alito's draft opinion is saying that Roe was wrong in the first place, that abortion should never have been a protected right, and that the way that Casey determined that Roe should be upheld was also wrong.

Nina Varsava:
Let me just quote from him. So he says that Roe's constitutional analysis was "far outside the bounds of any reasonable interpretation of the various constitutional provisions to which it vaguely pointed." So he's saying basically that on his view, this decision was so wrong that it was egregious and that this should be weighed heavily in a stare decisis analysis.

Hannah McCarthy:
Nina says that the draft opinion focuses a lot on the factor of reasoning, of whether the original decision was an error.

Nina Varsava:
In the current draft opinion. They seem relatively untethered in the sense that it seems that the question is whether the current justices agree with the past case or not. And precedent is meant to put a block on that kind of decision making, to put some kind of meaningful barrier in place that even if a court does disagree on the merits with the past decision, it's still supposed to follow it. So it will be interesting to see whether those factors remain and how the court deals with them going forward.

Nick Capodice:
It does make me wonder if putting a lot of emphasis on reasoning in this case that could serve as a new precedent itself, where the court finds it easier and easier to question the reasoning of previous decisions. But what about something like Reliance Interests, which is how much society depends on access to abortion? Does the draft opinion say anything about that?

Nina Varsava:
So in Casey, the court reason that people were relying on Roe and that the reliance was important and widespread, a kind of societal reliance. In the draft Dobbs opinion, Alito says that the reliance interest at stake here, to the extent that there are any, are intangible and abstract, and that those kinds of interests do not count for anything in a stare decisis analysis. So this is very different from Casey. And different, I think, from an intuitive understanding of reliance interests.

Nina Varsava:
Women planning their lives based on the belief that abortion would be available to them should they need it or society. Structuring itself based on that idea, women planning their educations and their careers with the assurance that they would be able to access abortion. Those are all, I think, intuitive reliance interests, but they're not relevant or not legitimate in a story decisis analysis according to the draft opinion. So that's another big shift from Casey.

Nick Capodice:
What precedent is this opinion working off of since, as Nina said, it seems like a shift?

Nina Varsava:
I should note that the shift actually began even before. Dobbs But in a more subtle way.

Hannah McCarthy:
Nina noticed that this draft opinion looks a whole lot like an opinion from a different Supreme Court case that she wrote about in 2020. This is a case called Ramos v Louisiana that was about whether the Sixth Amendment applied to states, in essence, whether a state had to abide by the rule that a person could only be convicted of a serious crime by a unanimous jury. And the Supreme Court reached a majority opinion saying that, yes, this Sixth Amendment rule applied to states, including Louisiana. Within that case, the justices spent a lot of time debating how precedent should work, and there were several concurring opinions.

Nick Capodice:
And quickly, concurring opinions are when a justice agrees with the final decision, but disagrees with parts of the decision or the rationale behind it.

Hannah McCarthy:
And a lot of times these concurring opinions give you a context for how the justices are feeling.

Nina Varsava:
Something that stood out to me about that decision is that Justice Kavanaugh issued a concurrence in which he laid out a set of factors in an effort to articulate a framework or roadmap to guide overruling.

Hannah McCarthy:
Basically, Justice Kavanaugh's concurring opinion talked a lot about those factors the Supreme Court has traditionally used to reconsider precedent and laid out a different way that they could do it. And Nina, who studies judicial precedent, wrote a paper about this case.

Nina Varsava:
So in my paper about that Ramos decision, I highlighted Kavanaugh's opinion and suggested that it seemed as though he was attempting to lay the groundwork for future overruling.

Hannah McCarthy:
And then two years later, the draft opinion in Dobbs comes out.

Nina Varsava:
And in the draft Dobbs opinion, Justice Alito takes his framework largely from that Kavanaugh concurrence. So he cites it five times and lists about 30 cases. That is almost the exact same list as a list of cases that Kavanaugh included in that concurrence. It's a list of celebrated cases that had overruled previous decisions. I see this as an attempt to make this overruling seem more palatable to say, Look, we've done this a lot of times, and that people have have actually celebrated these over rulings.

Nina Varsava:
But I was still surprised to see how much space and attention that concurrence got in the draft Dobbs Opinion. How well it worked, basically because it wasn't even a majority opinion. It was just one justice going out on his own to articulate a roadmap for overruling. And Alito really seizes on this and takes advantage of it to articulate this new set of stare decisis factors in DOBBS.

Hannah McCarthy:
Basically, in this draft opinion, Justice Alito is making an argument about precedent, something the Supreme Court takes very seriously. And the rationale for that argument looks a lot like the rationale laid out by a sitting Supreme Court justice in a concurring opinion from a recent case.

Nina Varsava:
So here in the context of Dobbs, it looks as though as soon as the court's composition changed so that we have a majority of ideologically conservative justices, then they move to overturn one of the most politically and morally charged decisions in recent history, maybe ever. So that looks to some people as though the court is doing politics or the justices are acting on personal morality and ideology rather than applying the law. And so a lot of people are reasonably concerned that the court's legitimacy in the eyes of the public will suffer if the court now proceeds to overrule Roe and Casey.

Nick Capodice:
And for as far as what this means for abortion access on a societal level, do we have a sense of what might happen if this draft opinion stands?

Hannah McCarthy:
There are currently 26 states that have drafted legislation that would ban abortion under certain circumstances should Roe v Wade and subsequently Planned Parenthood v Casey be overturned. These laws are known as trigger bans. Essentially, the state laws are triggered to go into effect as soon as federal law allows it.

Rachel Rebouche:
If Justice Alito's draft becomes law, those 26 states will ban most or almost all abortion within their borders.

News Audio:
In Alabama, lawmakers passed a near-total ban on abortions in Kentucky and Florida. Bills have been signed banning abortions after 15 weeks.

Rachel Rebouche:
Some will do so with very few exceptions of any maybe for a medical emergency.

News Audio:
If the ruling is final. 30 days later, Tennessee's trigger ban would outlaw abortions, with just one exception if the patient's life is in danger.

Rachel Rebouche:
Some will ban with exceptions for sexual assault or severe fetal anomaly. But half the country will criminalize or severely punished or both.

News Audio:
A new amendment in the state of Missouri is trying to stop women from crossing state lines to access abortion services.

Rachel Rebouche:
The other half the country will have states like California and Connecticut that are legislating to protect abortion rights.

News Audio:
New York poised to become a safe haven for women seeking abortions once the Supreme Court reverses Roe v Wade. Abortion is protected by state law as part of the Reproductive Health Act.

Rachel Rebouche:
They are legislating to protect their providers in the state and the patients who travel to those states from states that now ban abortion. But then there is a whole host of states that may not rush to ban abortion. They're not going to criminalize it, but they're not necessarily going to repeal the laws that they have on the books. It'll be it'll be a pretty complicated legal landscape.

Hannah McCarthy:
Rachel also says that a lot of legal scholars think that overturning Roe and leaving abortion access up to the states will lead to a lot of complications.

Rachel Rebouche:
Returning abortion to the states is going to be anything but workable. It is going to be a landscape that, as we've discussed, is very is dramatically complex. But it will also incite interstate conflict. And depending on who is president, it will also spark intra jurisdictional conflicts between states and the federal government. Some states are going to not just try to ban abortion in their borders, but they might try to ban it outside their borders. Some states are going to try to protect people who are coming into their states from out of state, and they're going to shield their providers from other actions that would be taken against them from across the country. We're going to see some novel stuff. And and so I guess I would just leave it at that.

Hannah McCarthy:
And it's not just the legal landscape. It's the social landscape.

Nina Varsava:
If Roe is overruled, then we'll have some women who could rely on access to abortion for their whole reproductive lives, whereas some won't be able to access abortion and won't have that reassurance that they could access it if they need to. Many people have organized their lives based on the expectation that abortion would be available to them if they needed to access it. And overruling Roe in case it will will upset those expectations will require people to re conceive their lives and their futures.

Nick Capodice:
I want to know about other 14th Amendment protections, because we've talked about how Roe was built on precedent that came before it, like marriage rights, rights for incarcerated people, access to contraception. If Roe is undone, what does that mean for all the precedent that came before it?

Rachel Rebouche:
You know, I'm not sure. I mean, I think that this is certainly profound for the 14th, the interpretation of the 14th Amendment, the kind of originalism that's at the heart of Justice Alito's opinion. If five justices are willing to sign on to that originalism for this, it could suggest that they are persuaded by originalists and textualist arguments for other things, which is, as again, is, is creates a test, creates a standard for thinking about what the Constitution protects. That might be a little more narrow than other approaches.

Nick Capodice:
And whether or not this draft opinion stands. It has given the American people a window into the process of the Supreme Court revisiting its own decisions. Today's episode was written and produced by Christina Phillips with help from Hannah McCarthy. Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton, and Rebecca Lavoie is our executive producer. Music In this episode by David Celeste Ketsa, Marten Moses, Xylo-Ziko, Brandon Moeller, Blue Dot Sessions and Cospe. Civics 101 is a production of NHPR. New Hampshire Public Radio.

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Precedent and the Leaked Draft SCOTUS Opinion

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:42] Hey, everybody, it's about to be really apparent, but I am tracking this with a bad cold. Life happens.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:01:52] The Supreme Court is an institution, an institution with over 230 years of weighty decision making.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:05] Now, many of these decisions happen without the majority of people in the United States paying much attention. But every once in a while, you get a landmark.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:23] A decision that fundamentally alters lived experience. That has widespread legal implications. That throws the nation into heated debate or celebration.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:02:42] It's decisions like these that people either come to depend on or commit their lives to working against. But come on. The Supreme Court changing its mind.

 

News Audio: [00:02:52] According to an initial draft majority opinion written by Justice Samuel Alito circulated inside the court and obtained by Politico. The Supreme Court has voted to strike down the landmark Roe versus Wade decision.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:05] What are the chances of that? This is Civics 101. I'm Hannah McCarthy.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:03:11] I'm Nick Capodice.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:12] And today we are talking about the leak that shook the nation. A draft opinion from the Supreme Court authored by Justice Samuel Alito, arguing that Roe v Wade should be overturned, arguing that it was the wrong decision to make in the first place, that the federally protected right to abortion as a part of a right to privacy, the precedent established by Roe v Wade should not exist.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:03:41] Right now, and we're tracking this on June 7th, 2022. That opinion is not official. However, it marks an historic moment in how the Supreme Court is treating its own landmark precedent. And no matter the outcome, this draft is a snapshot of how our current Supreme Court is evaluating the merits of its own past precedent in one of the most controversial and significant landmark decisions in recent history.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:06] In our episode on judicial precedent, we talked about how the Supreme Court rarely overturns or reverses its own precedent. We also talked about how the precedent set in Roe v Wade was modified in 1992. Today we are talking about how the draft opinion in Dobbs V Jackson Women's Health Organization looks different and what that draft opinion should it be adopted could mean for our country and for judicial precedent itself.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:04:31] All right, Hanna, let's unpack the case at the center of this leak.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:04:34] The case which we will refer to in this episode as Dobbs, started in 2018 when Mississippi passed a law that banned abortion after 15 weeks, except in cases of medical emergencies or severe fetal anomaly. And the state's only abortion clinic, Jackson Women's Health Organization, sued the state's health department, naming the state health officer Thomas Dobbs. They said that the new law violated the precedent set by Roe v Wade and upheld by Planned Parenthood v Casey, the 1992 case that modified Roe v Wade but said that states could not outright ban abortion.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:05:10] One of the things that most people interpreted Casey to provide is that states can do a lot to regulate abortion well before viability, that they can't ban it. And that's what Mississippi did.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:05:22] This is Rachel Rebouche. She's a law professor at Temple University, where she focuses on reproductive health, including abortion law.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:05:29] Mississippi passed a law that said if passed 15 weeks, no, no legal abortion in the state, that's well before viability. And the fact that the court took the case in the first place suggested to most people that the court was either going to overturn Roe or announce a new test, because it's not as if it wasn't clear that Casey had stood for the proposition that you can't ban abortion before viability.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:05:52] The district court, which is bound by the precedent set by the Supreme Court, agreed with Jackson women's health and said, yes, this law does violate the rule. So Mississippi, that's the Dobbs side appealed in circuit court and the circuit court upheld the district court ruling. It said, yes, this law cannot stand.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:06:12] So if the Supreme Court did not take up this case, then that law would not have been able to take effect in Mississippi.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:18] Correct.

 

News Audio: [00:06:19] Significant breaking news just into us. The Supreme Court has agreed to take up a major abortion case next term concerning a controversial Mississippi law that bans most abortions after 15 weeks.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:06:31] Now, the Supreme Court is famously choosy about what cases it takes. It gets thousands of requests a year, and it has to decide which 60 to 80 or so are of national importance.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:06:43] Right. And it's important to note that in the Casey decision in 1992, the Supreme Court thought that maintaining a precedent was important, but that the use of a trimester system to determine when a state could impose restrictions was outdated. So they updated the rule states had to follow to impose restrictions. This rule was that states could not impose a, quote, undue burden on abortion access, but it gave states a lot more leeway to pass restrictions than the original trimester rule in Roe v Wade.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:07:14] And in our recent episode on precedent, we talked about the reasons why the Supreme Court might reconsider or overturn precedent.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:22] And this is known as a stari decisis analysis. Stare decisis is the doctrine of following precedent. So a stare decisis analysis helps the court decide if a precedent should still stand. Basically, is this precedent working? And an analysis typically involves several factors. So let's go through them. Was the law unworkable, meaning it isn't practical or feasible in practice?

 

Nick Capodice: [00:07:48] And another was if the law was an outlier like it didn't fit with other precedents in similar cases.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:07:54] And third, are there what are called reliance interests.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:07:58] And that's how much the law, and society and people have come to rely on that precedent.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:04] Right. The court needs to consider the impact changing a precedent might have on making sure the law is applied consistently over time. And the last one is, was the reasoning in the case bad or have the facts changed?

 

Nick Capodice: [00:08:18] So in Planned Parenthood v Casey, how did the Supreme Court address these factors?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:08:24] Here's Justice David Souter, one of the justices who authored the majority opinion, talking about how these factors applied in Casey.

 

Justice David Souter: [00:08:31] Despite the controversy it has produced, the decision has not proven unworkable in practice, is undoubtedly engendered reliance in countless people who have organized intimate relationships and made choices that define their views of themselves and their places in society. In the two decades since it was handed down. It has not been rendered doctrinally anachronistic. By other legal developments in the past 20 years, and the factual premises on which it rests are no different today from those on which the ruling rested initially.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:09:01] So it's not unworkable. People are relying on it, and there hasn't been a significant enough shift in the law in 20 years to suggest this decision was an outlier.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:09:12] And furthermore, the decision in case he was really clear about how important it was to not overturn the precedent in Roe when it came to the legitimacy of the Supreme Court, it put a lot of weight on the doctrine of stare decisis. Here is Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, another author of the majority opinion.

 

Justice Sandra Day O'Connor: [00:09:30] We conclude that the central holding of Roe should be reaffirmed. Some of us as individuals find abortion offensive to our most basic principles of morality, but that can't control our decision. Our obligation is to define the liberty of all, not to mandate our own moral code. After considering the constitutional questions decided in Roe, the principles underlying the institutional integrity of this court and the role of stare decisis, we reaffirm the constitutionally protected liberty of the woman to decide to have an abortion before the fetus attains viability and to obtain it.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:10:12] Basically, it's really important to maintain our credibility and not be seen as a court that would prioritize personal feelings over the law.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:21] And it's worth noting that this was not a unanimous verdict. The court in 1992 was really divided over this, but the Court ultimately reaffirmed the decision in Roe.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:10:32] So when the Supreme Court of 2022 took up. Dobbs This is also something they could have done. They could have modified the precedent again without overturning it.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:10:41] In fact, a number of people thought that's what this case would do, that the Supreme Court could essentially gut Roe, ditch the test at establishing Casey, and announce a new test that's much easier for the states to meet in upholding state legislation but not overturn Roe.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:10:59] This has been called a rational review.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:11:02] We're going to strike down state restrictions that aren't rational. That's a really easy test for states to meet. Case law has been interpreted as if you could just pass the laugh out loud, test that your carry law is going to be upheld. But, you know, Roe is still good law. There's still a constitutional right to abortion. It's just that viability is and unworkable line. And this is the new test for states to pass.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:11:29] The draft opinion written by Justice Alito could have suggested that the Supreme Court was going to make it even easier for states to restrict abortion without completely overturning Roe.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:11:39] That's not what Justice Alito wrote.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:11:41] And we're going to get into what Justice Alito wrote right after this.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:12:08] We're back and we are talking about the leaked Supreme Court draft opinion in Dobbs v Jackson authored by Justice Samuel Alito.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:17] In this draft opinion, Justice Alito says that Roe v Wade was bad precedent.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:12:22] He clearly returned abortion back to the states.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:26] This is Rachel Rebouche.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:12:27] And not as a matter of constitutional protection.

 

Nina Varsava: [00:12:31] Also, something that might be less explicit or getting less attention about the draft opinion is that it also overrules Casey on stare decisis itself.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:12:42] This is Nina Varsava. She's a law professor at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, and she studies judicial precedent.

 

Nina Varsava: [00:12:49] I do think that this case could represent a significant shift in how the court deals with stare decisis.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:12:58] What does she mean when she says that the draft opinion overrules Casey on stare decisis itself?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:13:04] Basically, Alito's draft opinion is saying that Roe was wrong in the first place, that abortion should never have been a protected right, and that the way that Casey determined that Roe should be upheld was also wrong.

 

Nina Varsava: [00:13:20] Let me just quote from him. So he says that Roe's constitutional analysis was "far outside the bounds of any reasonable interpretation of the various constitutional provisions to which it vaguely pointed." So he's saying basically that on his view, this decision was so wrong that it was egregious and that this should be weighed heavily in a stare decisis analysis.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:13:45] Nina says that the draft opinion focuses a lot on the factor of reasoning, of whether the original decision was an error.

 

Nina Varsava: [00:13:52] In the current draft opinion. They seem relatively untethered in the sense that it seems that the question is whether the current justices agree with the past case or not. And precedent is meant to put a block on that kind of decision making, to put some kind of meaningful barrier in place that even if a court does disagree on the merits with the past decision, it's still supposed to follow it. So it will be interesting to see whether those factors remain and how the court deals with them going forward.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:14:29] It does make me wonder if putting a lot of emphasis on reasoning in this case that could serve as a new precedent itself, where the court finds it easier and easier to question the reasoning of previous decisions. But what about something like Reliance Interests, which is how much society depends on access to abortion? Does the draft opinion say anything about that?

 

Nina Varsava: [00:14:51] So in Casey, the court reason that people were relying on Roe and that the reliance was important and widespread, a kind of societal reliance. In the draft Dobbs opinion, Alito says that the reliance interest at stake here, to the extent that there are any, are intangible and abstract, and that those kinds of interests do not count for anything in a stare decisis analysis. So this is very different from Casey. And different, I think, from an intuitive understanding of reliance interests.

 

Nina Varsava: [00:15:23] Women planning their lives based on the belief that abortion would be available to them should they need it or society. Structuring itself based on that idea, women planning their educations and their careers with the assurance that they would be able to access abortion. Those are all, I think, intuitive reliance interests, but they're not relevant or not legitimate in a story decisis analysis according to the draft opinion. So that's another big shift from Casey.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:15:58] What precedent is this opinion working off of since, as Nina said, it seems like a shift?

 

Nina Varsava: [00:16:04] I should note that the shift actually began even before. Dobbs But in a more subtle way.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:10] Nina noticed that this draft opinion looks a whole lot like an opinion from a different Supreme Court case that she wrote about in 2020. This is a case called Ramos v Louisiana that was about whether the Sixth Amendment applied to states, in essence, whether a state had to abide by the rule that a person could only be convicted of a serious crime by a unanimous jury. And the Supreme Court reached a majority opinion saying that, yes, this Sixth Amendment rule applied to states, including Louisiana. Within that case, the justices spent a lot of time debating how precedent should work, and there were several concurring opinions.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:16:48] And quickly, concurring opinions are when a justice agrees with the final decision, but disagrees with parts of the decision or the rationale behind it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:16:56] And a lot of times these concurring opinions give you a context for how the justices are feeling.

 

Nina Varsava: [00:17:01] Something that stood out to me about that decision is that Justice Kavanaugh issued a concurrence in which he laid out a set of factors in an effort to articulate a framework or roadmap to guide overruling.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:16] Basically, Justice Kavanaugh's concurring opinion talked a lot about those factors the Supreme Court has traditionally used to reconsider precedent and laid out a different way that they could do it. And Nina, who studies judicial precedent, wrote a paper about this case.

 

Nina Varsava: [00:17:32] So in my paper about that Ramos decision, I highlighted Kavanaugh's opinion and suggested that it seemed as though he was attempting to lay the groundwork for future overruling.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:17:43] And then two years later, the draft opinion in Dobbs comes out.

 

Nina Varsava: [00:17:47] And in the draft Dobbs opinion, Justice Alito takes his framework largely from that Kavanaugh concurrence. So he cites it five times and lists about 30 cases. That is almost the exact same list as a list of cases that Kavanaugh included in that concurrence. It's a list of celebrated cases that had overruled previous decisions. I see this as an attempt to make this overruling seem more palatable to say, Look, we've done this a lot of times, and that people have have actually celebrated these over rulings.

 

Nina Varsava: [00:18:22] But I was still surprised to see how much space and attention that concurrence got in the draft Dobbs Opinion. How well it worked, basically because it wasn't even a majority opinion. It was just one justice going out on his own to articulate a roadmap for overruling. And Alito really seizes on this and takes advantage of it to articulate this new set of stare decisis factors in DOBBS.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:18:55] Basically, in this draft opinion, Justice Alito is making an argument about precedent, something the Supreme Court takes very seriously. And the rationale for that argument looks a lot like the rationale laid out by a sitting Supreme Court justice in a concurring opinion from a recent case.

 

Nina Varsava: [00:19:13] So here in the context of Dobbs, it looks as though as soon as the court's composition changed so that we have a majority of ideologically conservative justices, then they move to overturn one of the most politically and morally charged decisions in recent history, maybe ever. So that looks to some people as though the court is doing politics or the justices are acting on personal morality and ideology rather than applying the law. And so a lot of people are reasonably concerned that the court's legitimacy in the eyes of the public will suffer if the court now proceeds to overrule Roe and Casey.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:19:51] And for as far as what this means for abortion access on a societal level, do we have a sense of what might happen if this draft opinion stands?

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:20:03] There are currently 26 states that have drafted legislation that would ban abortion under certain circumstances should Roe v Wade and subsequently Planned Parenthood v Casey be overturned. These laws are known as trigger bans. Essentially, the state laws are triggered to go into effect as soon as federal law allows it.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:20:24] If Justice Alito's draft becomes law, those 26 states will ban most or almost all abortion within their borders.

 

News Audio: [00:20:32] In Alabama, lawmakers passed a near-total ban on abortions in Kentucky and Florida. Bills have been signed banning abortions after 15 weeks.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:20:41] Some will do so with very few exceptions of any maybe for a medical emergency.

 

News Audio: [00:20:47] If the ruling is final. 30 days later, Tennessee's trigger ban would outlaw abortions, with just one exception if the patient's life is in danger.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:20:56] Some will ban with exceptions for sexual assault or severe fetal anomaly. But half the country will criminalize or severely punished or both.

 

News Audio: [00:21:08] A new amendment in the state of Missouri is trying to stop women from crossing state lines to access abortion services.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:21:14] The other half the country will have states like California and Connecticut that are legislating to protect abortion rights.

 

News Audio: [00:21:21] New York poised to become a safe haven for women seeking abortions once the Supreme Court reverses Roe v Wade. Abortion is protected by state law as part of the Reproductive Health Act.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:21:32] They are legislating to protect their providers in the state and the patients who travel to those states from states that now ban abortion. But then there is a whole host of states that may not rush to ban abortion. They're not going to criminalize it, but they're not necessarily going to repeal the laws that they have on the books. It'll be it'll be a pretty complicated legal landscape.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:21:54] Rachel also says that a lot of legal scholars think that overturning Roe and leaving abortion access up to the states will lead to a lot of complications.

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:22:03] Returning abortion to the states is going to be anything but workable. It is going to be a landscape that, as we've discussed, is very is dramatically complex. But it will also incite interstate conflict. And depending on who is president, it will also spark intra jurisdictional conflicts between states and the federal government. Some states are going to not just try to ban abortion in their borders, but they might try to ban it outside their borders. Some states are going to try to protect people who are coming into their states from out of state, and they're going to shield their providers from other actions that would be taken against them from across the country. We're going to see some novel stuff. And and so I guess I would just leave it at that.

 

Hannah McCarthy: [00:23:00] And it's not just the legal landscape. It's the social landscape.

 

Nina Varsava: [00:23:04] If Roe is overruled, then we'll have some women who could rely on access to abortion for their whole reproductive lives, whereas some won't be able to access abortion and won't have that reassurance that they could access it if they need to. Many people have organized their lives based on the expectation that abortion would be available to them if they needed to access it. And overruling Roe in case it will will upset those expectations will require people to re conceive their lives and their futures.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:23:36] I want to know about other 14th Amendment protections, because we've talked about how Roe was built on precedent that came before it, like marriage rights, rights for incarcerated people, access to contraception. If Roe is undone, what does that mean for all the precedent that came before it?

 

Rachel Rebouche: [00:23:55] You know, I'm not sure. I mean, I think that this is certainly profound for the 14th, the interpretation of the 14th Amendment, the kind of originalism that's at the heart of Justice Alito's opinion. If five justices are willing to sign on to that originalism for this, it could suggest that they are persuaded by originalists and textualist arguments for other things, which is, as again, is, is creates a test, creates a standard for thinking about what the Constitution protects. That might be a little more narrow than other approaches.

 

Nick Capodice: [00:24:41] And whether or not this draft opinion stands. It has given the American people a window into the process of the Supreme Court revisiting its own decisions. Today's episode was written and produced by Christina Phillips with help from Hannah McCarthy. Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton, and Rebecca Lavoie is our executive producer. Music In this episode by David Celeste Ketsa, Marten Moses, Xylo-Ziko, Brandon Moeller, Blue Dot Sessions and Cospe. Civics 101 is a production of NHPR. New Hampshire Public Radio.

 

Follow Civics 101 on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.

This podcast is a production of New Hampshire Public Radio.

Precedent and the Supreme Court

When the Supreme Court decides how the law, and the Constitution, should be interpreted, that interpretation becomes a precedent. Once that judicial precedent has been set, it's understood that the interpretation and its reasoning should be applied to similar cases in the future. So why might the Supreme Court reconsider its own precedent? And what happens when a precedent is modified, or overruled? 

We talk to Nina Varsava, a law professor at University of Wisconsin, Madison who studies judicial precedent, and wrote the article, "Precedent on Precedent," and Rachel Rebouche, a law professor at Temple University who specializes in family law, health care law, and comparative family law, and has written about the potential impact of overturning Roe v Wade


Transcript


Nick Capodice: You have to be careful with the word precedent. Hannah It starts to turn. What's the word for that thing? When you say it over and over and over again, it doesn't mean sense anymore. You're like, precedent, precedent, precedent.

 

Hannah McCarthy: I don't know the word for that thing, but I know what you're talking about. But that's not why you got to be careful with the word precedent.

 

Nick Capodice: No, no.

 

Hannah McCarthy: You got to be careful with the word precedent because of the word precedents. And presidents.

 

Nick Capodice: Presidents Day dead.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Presidents dead. Precedent.

 

Nina Varsava: Mr. Speaker.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Precedent.

 

Nick Capodice: The president of the United States.

 

Hannah McCarthy: This is Civics 101. I'm Hannah McCarthy.

 

Nick Capodice: I'm Nick Capodice.

 

Hannah McCarthy: And today we are talking about judicial precedent, how the Supreme Court interprets the law and how that interpretation becomes an authority and guidebook for everyone else, and what happens when that precedent is overturned. Now, we decided to do this episode because of something that's happening right now in our Supreme Court. It's June 20, 22, and earlier this year, a draft opinion in a Supreme Court case about abortion access. Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization was leaked to the public.

 

Archive Audio: And leaked to the public late yesterday. Suggest that by this summer, a majority of the justices will overturn Roe versus Wade.

 

Hannah McCarthy: That opinion lays out a justification for overturning Roe v Wade, the landmark case in 1973 that established the right to abortion. By the time you hear this episode, a final decision may have been made in this case. But no matter the final decision, this draft opinion marks an historic moment in Supreme Court precedent. In this episode, we're going to talk about how Supreme Court precedent has worked throughout history and why precedent is so important. We'll also talk about how the Supreme Court has treated the precedent established in Roe v Wade in the years that followed. And we will have a special follow up episode that looks at how precedent is treated in the jobs opinion.

 

Nina Varsava: The doctrine of precedent refers to the norm of treating like cases alike.

 

Hannah McCarthy: This is Nina Varsava. She's a law professor at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. She studies judicial precedent and is the author of the 2020 article Precedent on Precedent take something like constitutional rights to life, liberty and property, for example. Now, by itself, that's pretty abstract, right? So how do we know that this actually means we have a right to a fair and speedy trial with the right to equal education?

 

Nick Capodice: Yeah, the right to marry someone regardless of their race or gender. All of these things we've seen and talked about in landmark Supreme Court cases over the years.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Right. These rights in our Constitution are given their meaning by the Supreme Court. Who decides what the law actually means in practice? They establish a precedent, and that precedent is the foundation for everything that follows. And I'm just going to go ahead and put it out there right now. This episode is full of legal jargon, but it's so worth it. Here is your first legal term for today. Stare decisis.

 

Nina Varsava: Stare decisis is short for a longer Latin phrase. That means stand by things decided and don't disturb settled points.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Basically, stare decisis is the practice of using precedent. When you get a case about, say, freedom of speech, you look at how similar cases were decided and use that to inform the decision in the new case.

 

Nick Capodice: Is this like reference to or alluded to anywhere in the Constitution? Because I don't think precedent or stare decisis is in there anywhere.

 

Nina Varsava: So the Constitution doesn't explicitly say anything about precedent. But some commentators have argued that the doctrine of precedent is constitutionally required.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Like a lot of things with the Constitution, it's up for interpretation.

 

Nina Varsava: So some believe that Article 3 of the Constitution, which concerns the judicial power, implicitly require  stare decisis. And then some commentators have argued that following precedent is a requirement of constitutional due process.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Basically, your constitutional right to experience the law fairly and consistently, no matter where you.

 

Nina Varsava: And due process might also require courts to protect reasonable expectations. So people form expectations based on how past cases were decided. And then if courts upset those expectations, decisions are unpredictable, then that would violate the right to due process.

 

Hannah McCarthy: And that makes sense, right?

 

Nick Capodice: Yeah.

 

Hannah McCarthy: You are going to govern your life based on how rules have been set down in the past. Think of an open book test. For example, if a teacher has said all tests in this class will be open book and every test before the one you're about to take has been open book, you have the expectation that that next test is also going to be open book. And then, let's say the day before the test, the teacher says, Oh, no, sorry, this is not an open book test. That teacher has set an expectation and has now completely changed that expectation.

 

Nick Capodice: Yeah. That sounds demonstrably unfair.

 

Nina Varsava: Yeah. So once the Supreme Court sets a precedent, whether it's a new precedent on a new issue or it is a precedent overruling previous cases, it affects how other courts in the US will decide similar cases and in turn how people will structure their lives and conduct themselves. So all of the other courts in the US, both state and federal, are strictly bound by the US Supreme Court's cases on matters of federal law.

 

Hannah McCarthy: This is one way that precedent works, and it's called vertical stare decisis, and it's just what it sounds like. Decisions at the top flow downward.

 

Nina Varsava: An example is the case of Obergefell v Hodges decided in 2015. In that case, the Supreme Court determined that there's a constitutional right to same sex marriage. And in practical terms, this means that no government may create laws that ban or limit same sex marriage.

 

Speaker3: Profound. The 5 to 4 vote in many ways, reflecting the huge societal shift of the last 20 years.

 

Nina Varsava: So that decision, of course, had and continues to have a significant impact on many people's lives. So in practical terms of a state now enacts a law trying to prohibit or restrict same sex marriage, that law would be invalid.

 

Nick Capodice: But we've read a lot of Supreme Court decisions over the years, and they can be dozens of pages long and you've often got multiple opinions, concurring and dissenting. How do you figure out which part of the decision is the precedent?

 

Nina Varsava: If there is a majority opinion, then the standard view is that whatever is binding in the precedent is contained in that majority opinion.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Now, most cases are decided by a simple majority where the justices agree both on the question being asked and how the law applies to it. The interpretation in that simple majority becomes the precedent. So Obergefell v Hodges is one example of this. A54 majority of justices agreed that people have a constitutional right to same sex marriage, and therefore, in the case before them and in all other cases like it, a state could not pass laws that banned same sex marriage.

 

Nick Capodice: Yeah, but Nina just said if there is a simple majority.

 

Nina Varsava: Some cases don't have a majority opinion at all.

 

Hannah McCarthy: These are known as plural decisions. For example, four justices say a law and any law like it is in violation of the Constitution. Another four justices say a law is not in violation of the Constitution. And one justice has a concurring opinion. For example, I agree that this law is in violation of the Constitution, but just this one law, not all other laws like it in some plural decisions which part of the opinion is precedent is less clear. And I should say even justices on the Supreme Court disagree on how precedent should work in plural decisions. Sometimes this means that lower courts end up disagreeing on how to interpret the decision creating circuit court splits, and the case gets punted back up to the Supreme Court.

 

Nick Capodice: But in an ideal situation, the Supreme Court has issued a clear decision, and that decision becomes the precedent.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yes. And vertical stare decisis means that when similar cases come up, the lower courts look to that decision and say, hey, this is what the Supreme Court said.

 

Nick Capodice: All right. This episode is happening at a time when the Supreme Court seems poised to overturn one of its own decades old precedents. There's no court higher than the Supreme Court. So obviously vertical stare decisis doesn't work there.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Right. So the way the Supreme Court treats its own precedent is horizontal stare decisis.

 

Nina Varsava: So there's no court that creates decisions that the Supreme Court would be strictly bound by. But it does recognize the precedential force of its own decisions.

 

Nick Capodice: Now, that feels a little more wobbly. However, from what I remember throughout history, the Supreme Court usually takes its own precedent pretty seriously. Nearly every Supreme Court case you read about is referring back to previous decisions as a guideline. So questioning themselves all the time would not only be counterintuitive, but also somewhat undermining.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, there have been over 25,000 Supreme Court decisions in the history of our Supreme Court, and only a few dozen of those precedents have been overturned.

 

Nina Varsava: The courts often modify precedent, which means that they're making some adjustment to a past decision, or they're updating the doctrine without completely discarding that previous doctrine. The Supreme Court, typically, and for good reason, has been wary of overturning precedent. So the doctrine of precedent serves several important purposes. For example, it helps to maintain the credibility of perceived legitimacy of the court. And the idea is that if the court adheres to previous decisions, even when the composition of the court has changed, then the court acts as. Going to seem to act as a law playing institution rather than a political or ideological one whose opinion vacillates with the politics or personal morality of the justices.

 

Nick Capodice: Well, that makes sense if you base all of your power and credibility on doing one thing really well. You don't really want to be in the habit of saying, Well, sometimes they did this well, but this other time I was actually completely wrong.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, exactly.

 

Nina Varsava: So the court's legitimacy might be degraded by a drastic shift in the doctrine concerning fundamental rights, and that might mean that its decisions aren't entitled to as much respect. And then another value underlying star decisis is fairness and equality. So the idea is that it's unfair for similarly situated people to be treated differently under the law over time.

 

Hannah McCarthy: This gets us back to due process. If the law is constantly up for question, then where you are in space and time can make a big difference in how the law is applied to you.

 

Nick Capodice: Okay, so overturning precedent is something that is done rarely and with good reason. So why would the Supreme Court ever do it?

 

Hannah McCarthy: We'll get to that after a quick break.

 

Hannah McCarthy: So there is a precedent for overturning precedent. Over the centuries, the tens of thousands of cases, the Supreme Court has developed a method for reevaluating its own reasoning. If the court is going to take the step to undo a decision it's already made, especially one that has informed dozens, if not hundreds or thousands of cases across the country, it has to make a pretty good argument for doing so. There are a few factors that the court uses when evaluating precedent. This is Nina Varsava.

 

Nina Varsava: One, whether the past decision has proven unworkable, so basically that it's impractical and feasible to implement or follow. And then to the degree to end way in which people and society have relied on the decision. Three Whether subsequent changes in law have made the decision a doctrinal outlier so that it just doesn't really fit with other legal doctrines, and for whether facts or our understanding of them have changed such that the holding of the precedent isn't applicable anymore or isn't any more justifiable based on what we now know or understand the relevant facts to be.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Let's break that down. Is the law impractical or unfeasible? For example, the Supreme Court once had a decision that said that sometimes the federal minimum wage applied to state employees, but not always.

 

Nick Capodice: This sounds really complicated.

 

Hannah McCarthy: It was so complicated, in fact, that lower courts couldn't figure out how and when states had to follow the minimum wage requirement or not. And a few years later, the Supreme Court reevaluated and decided.

 

Nina Varsava: Yeah, this is not workable.

 

Nick Capodice: Nina also mentioned that the court considers how people in society have relied on a precedent. What did she mean by that?

 

Hannah McCarthy: This is known as a reliance interest.

 

Nina Varsava: So they ask, to what extent did people rely on the previous decision or did society rely on it in order to plan their lives? And this kind of interest is also one of the main purposes of the whole doctrine of stare decisis. So protecting people's expectations, making the law predictable.

 

Nick Capodice: So if the court is considering whether a precedent should be overturned, it should also account for how overturning that precedent may impact people's lives.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Right. And finally, have facts changed or was there an error in reasoning? I mean, let's take the infamous precedent set by Dred Scott v Sanford. In that decision, the Supreme Court said that African Americans, whether they were free or enslaved, were not citizens of the United States. The decision was highly controversial at the time, and in some ways it helped to galvanize a political movement that eventually led to the Civil War and the abolishment of slavery. Now, later on the 13th and 14th Amendments made the precedent obsolete. It no longer fit with the ideology of the country as a whole. And beyond that, the Supreme Court acknowledged that the reasoning behind that decision was so wrong as to be anti cannon, anti precedent.

 

Nick Capodice: Now, Nina said that the Supreme Court doesn't often overturn precedent completely, but it modifies it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: And it just so happens that Roe v Wade is a perfect example of this. A few decades after Roe v Wade, the precedent it established was taken up by the Supreme Court, reconsidered and modified.

 

Nick Capodice: And if people want to do a deep dove into Roe v Wade, we did a whole episode on it that we just rereleased a couple of weeks ago. You can find it in our show feed. But real quick, can can you remind us all what precedent was established in Roe v Wade?

 

Archive Audio: Good evening. A landmark ruling the Supreme Court today legalized abortions. The majority in cases from Texas and Georgia said that the decision to end a pregnancy during the first three months belongs to the woman and her doctor, not the government.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Roe v Wade said that in certain circumstances, someone's ability to get an abortion is inherent to their right to life, liberty and property. And the ability to make that decision is inherent in their right to privacy, which had also been located in the Constitution. And the decision said that those circumstances were determined by viability. Basically, how far along a pregnancy was determined by the trimester system.

 

Rachel Rebouche: In the first trimester, says Roe. It's the patient in consultation with her doctor, who makes a decision whether or not to carry a pregnancy to term.

 

Hannah McCarthy: This is Rachel Rebouche.

 

Rachel Rebouche: In the second trimester. The state's interest becomes bigger.

 

Hannah McCarthy: She's a professor of law at Temple University, where she focuses on reproductive health, including prenatal genetic testing, surrogacy and abortion law.

 

Rachel Rebouche: There are certain restrictions that the state can impose and by the third trimester, past viability. Really, then the state can do a lot to restrict choice.

 

Hannah McCarthy: What's interesting about Roe is that the court justified this precedent that abortion was part of someone's 14th Amendment rights by referring to other 14th Amendment cases.

 

Rachel Rebouche: Earlier in the 20th century, the court had held that the 14th Amendment due process clause protects the rights of parents to dictate the education of their children. And why? Because the rights of parents to decide fundamental issues dictating how they raise children is older than the Bill of Rights. The same with marriage. There were the Constitution doesn't say marriage, but as part of this. Life, liberty and property. Part of your liberty is that the state cannot restrict your right to marry without a really, really good reason. They can't do it based on race in.

 

Nick Capodice: Loving, loving as in loving Virginia, which said that a state couldn't prohibit interracial marriage, which we've also done an episode about.

 

Rachel Rebouche: I can't do it because you're an inmate. They can't do it because you failed to pay child support.

 

Hannah McCarthy: And not only was Roe informed by other 14th Amendment cases more broadly, it was also informed by 14th Amendment cases that had to do with reproductive health.

 

Rachel Rebouche: Ten years before Roe was decided, the court had also decided a couple of cases that determined that the same set of values under the 14th Amendment protected the right to contraceptives. So first, it was striking down a Connecticut law that restricted the way in which married people could use contraceptives or obtain contraceptives, and then in the next case, striking down a Massachusetts law that forbid unmarried people from using contraceptives. So those are some examples of the types of rights that the court had held, that the 14th Amendment protected rights that are important to intimacy and relationships, family, procreation, reproduction.

 

Hannah McCarthy: The precedent in Roe v Wade has been held up to scrutiny, and it has been modified, for example, in a case from 1992 called Planned Parenthood v Casey, Pennsylvania passed a new law that restricted abortion by creating additional requirements that someone had to meet to access an abortion like a waiting period. Spousal notice, parental consent for minors. The Supreme Court took up the case to figure out if the precedent in Roe v Wade was still workable. The court could have completely overturned Roe v Wade, but it didn't.

 

Archive Audio: David Souter and Anthony Kennedy wrote. After considering the fundamental constitutional questions resolved by Roe, we are led to conclude this The essential holding of Roe v Wade should be retained and once again affirmed.

 

Rachel Rebouche: The court surprised some. Then it did not overturn Roe. What it did is it said we announce a new test essentially that states have to pass if abortion restrictions are going to stand. We took the trimester system. That's not workable moving forward. Viability is changing. Science is changing. Technology is changing. Change, change, change. And instead what we're going to do as a court is we're going to ask, does the state restriction impose an undue burden on the right to abortion that, you know, open the door for a lot of restrictions? A lot, a lot a lot of restrictions. In that same case, the Supreme Court upheld every Pennsylvania restriction except for the requirement that a woman notify her spouse before she had an abortion, that they upheld the informed consent and reporting requirements and a waiting period and you name it.

 

Hannah McCarthy: However, the Supreme Court still felt that the core of Roe v Wade, that access to abortion was a protected right, should still stand.

 

Nina Varsava: So in Casey, the court reason that people were relying on Roe and that the reliance was important and widespread of kind of societal reliance.

 

Nick Capodice: So the court went so far as to tweak the precedent of the landmark case of Roe v Wade, but stayed in line with the core constitutional question that Roe answered. Access to abortion is federally protected and based on precedent that came before.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Which is important not just to constitutional interpretation, but to the authority of the Supreme Court itself. The court is the final arbiter of the Constitution. The court tells us what the Constitution actually says to overrule one of those interpretations, a seminal landmark interpretation, no less, is to say that the court was very wrong about something very significant. And in this case, it is to say that they were wrong not so very long ago. The court is hesitant to do such a thing and with good reason.

 

Nick Capodice: So precedent is really twofold, isn't it? It's about establishing a through line of meaning in the Constitution, and it's about affirming that the court was correct the first, second and third time they establish that meaning.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yes. And 20 years after Roe and Planned Parenthood v Casey, the court maintained that core precedent, that precedent based on precedent. But 50 years later.

 

Archive Audio: Politico report said that shortly after the court heard oral arguments in December about a mississippi law banning abortion after 15 weeks, five Republican nominated justices voted to overturn Roe. That would be a seismic shift, both legally and politically. 26 states are. Certain we're likely to.

 

Nick Capodice: Yeah. We are going to have to figure out what that actually means for precedent.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, we sure are. Based on the precedent set in this very episode, that's in a special bonus episode of Civics 101.

 

Nick Capodice: Today's episode was produced by Christina Phillips with help from Hannah McCarthy and me, Nick Capodice. Our staff includes Jacqui Fulton, and Rebecca Lavoie is our executive producer. Music In this episode by wax lyricist, Holizna, Chris Zabriskie. Des Moran, Scan Globe, Nul Tiel Records and Rocky Marciano, if you like Civics 101 and you get something out of it and are in the position to put something back in, please consider donating to our show. We're a nonprofit, so people like you are literally the only way we can exist. Thanks. Civics 101 is a production of NHPR New Hampshire Public Radio.

 

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Should Animals Have Human Rights?

Happy has lived in New York City’s Bronx Zoo for years. To visitors, she’s a lone Asian elephant. But to a team of animal rights lawyers, she’s a prisoner.

DONATE TO OUR PODCAST IN JUNE AND YOU COULD WIN A $500 AIR BNB GIFT CARD - PLUS YOU'LL GET A SNAZZY NEW CIVICS 101 STICKER! CLICK HERE TO DONATE.

When this episode first came out, lawyers had petitioned the New York State Court of Appeals for a writ of Habeas Corpus; a legal maneuver that could have freed Happy and set a new precedent for animal rights. But in a mid-June 2022 ruling, the court decided: Happy isn’t going anywhere.

You can hear a quick update to the episode episode below.

Because this is a case that deals with animals AND the law, two podcasts from New Hampshire Public Radio teamed up to take it on: Outside/In and Civics 101. We always hear about the animal rights movement… but what rights do animals actually have? 


Transcript

Nate Hegyi: Before we start… should all introduce ourselves. I’m Nate.

 

Nick Capodice: Nick.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Hannah.

 

Nate Hegyi: Great. Now I want you both to picture this: It’s a Wednesday afternoon in Albany, New York.

 

Nick Capodice: Hold on, Nate. One more time. It's Albany.

 

Nate Hegyi: Ahhh. Albany. Albany. Albany. It’s a Wednesday afternoon in Albany, New York. A bunch of lawyers are gathered in the state’s court of appeals.

 

Nick Capodice: I do so love a good “gathering of lawyers” story…

 

Nate Hegyi: Attorney Monica Miller makes her way to the PODIUM. And she looks a little nervous standing in front of this big row of judges.

 

Monica Miller: Yes, Good afternoon your honors, may it please the court.

 

Nate Hegyi: But then she just launches into her spiel. She represents a 64-year-old who she says has been illegally detained in a prison in the Bronx for years. Miller’s client only has a first name. Happy.

 

Monica Miller: If she hadn’t been kidnapped from Thailand as a baby, Happy could be a matriarch herself. But instead of leading her sisters and cousins and grandchildren hundreds of miles through ancient migratory routes.

 

Nate Hegyi: So, Miller wants the court to grant Happy freedom…. But there’s a hitch because… as you might be able to guess by now... Happy isn’t a person.

 

Hannah McCarthy: I had a feeling that was coming.

 

Nate Hegyi: Right? She’s an elephant. Living in the Bronx Zoo.

 

Tour Guide: We are now about to see our Asian elephant, Happy.

 

Nate Hegyi: But Miller and a team of lawyers are arguing that Happy isn’t just an animal in a zoo. That she’s actually a legal person with rights to freedom and liberty. One that’s being held in a prison. And this is just the latest case in an ongoing fight to extend basic human rights to animals. And because this is a case that deals with animals and the law, two podcasts from New Hampshire Public Radio are teaming up for this special crossover episode. I’m Nate Hegyi with Outside/In – we cover nature and the environment.

 

Hannah McCarthy: I’m Hannah McCarthy.

 

Nick Capodice: I’m Nick Capodice.

 

Hannah McCarthy: We are  the hosts of Civics 101. Basically we explain how government works.

 

Nick Capodice: And we always hear about the animal rights movement, but, Nate, what rights do animals actually have?

 

Nate Hegyi: We’re going to dive into that question, and how this case about an elephant in New York, could have massive consequences for zoos, farms, and even your own cats and dogs. 

 

Nate Hegyi: Hannah, Nick, before we dig in, I need you to meet a friend of mine. Her name is Gilly and she is a three-legged dog. Hi, Gilly!

 

Hannah McCarthy and Nick Capodice: Oh Hi Gilly!

 

Nick Capodice: Do you ever call her tripod because she’s tri-pawed?

 

Nate Hegyi: We’ve definitely called her tripod!

 

Hannah McCarthy: Oh that’s so cute.

 

Nate Hegyi: So to your knowledge right now, does this sweet little dog Gilly have any legal rights?

 

Hannah McCarthy: Well, so I know that animals are pretty much considered property, but we do have a bunch of federal protections for animals. I know you can't beat her or, you know, withhold food and water. You can't make Gilly dog fight. Right? That's a felony in all 50 states.

 

Nate Hegyi: So I just want to be clear here. Hannah, I would. I would never beat Gilly or make her get into a dog fight.

 

Nick Capodice: Or withhold food and water from her.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, but you can't abuse her, right?

 

Nate Hegyi: I can't abuse her. Yeah. And so these rights that you're talking about, they're called anti-cruelty laws. And, these are one of the biggest protections that animals like Gilly have right now in the Western world. They essentially say you can’t hurt or abuse certain animals. And they really got popular in the 19th century. Abolitionists were questioning slavery, the treatment of Indigenous people, child labor… and animal welfare. And we saw a lot of these anti-cruelty laws pop up across the country. In 1866 the New York State legislature established the American Society For the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals also known as… Nick?

 

Nick Capodice: yeah, I’m going to go with the ASPCA

 

Nate Hegyi: yes! The ASPCA.And they actually had people with badges and uniforms walking the streets of New York City and breaking up cockfights and stopping folks from being mean to their horses.

 

Nick Capodice: That’s fantastic!

 

Nate Hegyi: It was a big cultural shift for this country. Treating animals not as brutes or beasts, but as things deserving of some gentleness and kindness. Nowadays, though, one of the big critiques of anti-cruelty laws is that they don’t go far enough. They’re also biased… in the sense that the prevailing human culture gets to decide which animals receive kindness… and which animals we’re cool with hurting and killing. Like, I’ll give the example of cats. In the 19th century, cats were on the crap list.

 

Nick Capodice: Cats, why were cats on the crap list?

 

Nate Hegyi: Because they killed, and still do kill, beautiful songbirds. And Some of the same folks saying that we should protect animals were also arguing we should kill all the cats!

 

Hannah McCarthy: That is so bizarre. But of course, you know, they are, witches familiar, so… 

 

Nick Capodice: Yeah. And they like, didn't they like suck the breath out of children?

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yes, Cats would suck the air out of you in your sleep.

 

Nate Hegyi: Well there you go. That's another reason. Not only do they kill beautiful songbirds, but they also suck the breath out of children. I mean, that's that's really terrible.

 

Hannah McCarthy: For the record, I love cats.

 

Nick Capodice: That makes one of us.

 

Nate Hegyi: And obviously, nowadays, cats are in that protected class of cute, cuddly animals along with dogs or horses. You can’t abuse them. But at the same time… many of us are still comfortable hurting other animals like cows or chickens at a factory farm. And that’s where I want to bring in Maneesha Deckha who is a law professor at the University of Victoria in British Columbia. And she’s actually pretty critical of these anti-cruelty laws for that very reason.

 

Maneesha Deckha: Really what you have is a legal situation where cruelty is only ever thought by legal actors to maybe apply to kind of culturally aberrant practices. So like putting your cat in the microwave.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Did she just say putting a cat in a microwave?

 

Nate Hegyi: Yes she did, because she’s making the point that obviously putting a cat in the microwave would be considered animal cruelty. But cutting off a chicken’s beak and putting it in a small cage with tons of other chickens: not considered animal cruelty.

 

 Maneesha Deckha: Even though the level of pain and suffering to that animal can be the same as what happens to a cat in a microwave.

 

Nick Capodice: Do chickens, cows and other livestock… Do they have any legal protections or rights at the federal level, like the cuddly animals do?

 

Nate Hegyi: Ehh… not really. I don’t know if you would call this legal “protection” but there is a law that requires livestock to be afforded a quick and efficient death. But it also doesn’t include turkeys or chickens. And all livestock animals are exempted from the country’s big anti-cruelty law… the federal Animal Welfare Act… along with mice and rats.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Now, what about wild animals? Have we protected them in any way?

 

Nate Hegyi: Another meh for that one. It’s a mixed bag. We have the Endangered Species Act, which gives some habitat and hunting protections to imperiled species like grizzly bears. And wild horses on federal lands have special legal protections – we can’t hunt them. But at the same time you can still go out and buy one of those sticky traps for a field mouse, or buy a .22 and pick off squirrels that are trying to steal from your birdfeeder.

 

Nick Capodice: Right, right. And you can, like, set traps for foxes and coyotes that are arguably cruel and hurt them, but it's not illegal.

 

Nate Hegyi: Exactly. And Maneesha argues that these animal welfare and conservation laws aren’t really rights… at least as you and I have them.

 

Maneesha Deckha: Which means the right not to be killed by somebody else for their purpose or the right not to have your body used for someone else's profit. And that’s how animals are used.

 

Nate Hegyi: And that brings us to the latest battlefront. A slow grind towards granting animals something called personhood. Maneesha says that Western common law pretty much divides the world into two categories. You’re either a person or you’re a thing.

 

Maneesha Deckha: so either as a rights holder. So then you get to typically be seen as a person or you are the object of rights.

 

Nate Hegyi: And the big lift for animal rights activists is convincing judges that an animal isn’t a thing that we humans get to lord over. Instead, that it’s a person. At least in a legal sense.

 

Nick Capodice: This is an argument we've talked about a lot on our show. It's been used in the past to give basic human rights to women, black Americans, indigenous people. But in this case, I feel like it could get pretty fraught pretty quickly when activists start comparing the oppression of animals to the oppression of humans.

 

Nate Hegyi: Right , that was one reason why the first case trying to establish personhood for animals in the United States failed. And that story is coming up right after the break.

 

Nick Capodice: And hey, since we’re taking a little break here now is the perfect time to sign up for our free Civics 101 newsletter. It’s called Extra Credit. We pour our heart and soul, and a fair number of political dinner-party factoids into this thing, so you can sign up at our website, Civics101.org, and we’ll put a link in the show notes.

 

Nate Hegyi: Hey. you’re listening to a special crossover episode between Outside/In and Civics 101. I’m Outside/In host Nate Hegyi.

 

Hannah McCarthy: I'm Hannah McCarthy.

 

Nick Capodice: And I'm Nick Capodice. We're from Civics 101.

 

Nate Hegyi: All right. So we’re going to talk about Tommy.

 

ABC News: 26-year-old Tommy may not sound like the greatest catch. He’s a retired circus performer, living alone behind a trailer park, watching TV all day and night.

 

Nick Capodice: Oh, that reporter just loved that joke, did he? Oh, he's going to get everybody in America.

 

Nate Hegyi: So, that was ABC News, and as you can probably guess  again, Tommy isn't a human; he’s a chimpanzee. And he was actually in this movie in the late eighties called Project X with Matthew Broderick…. 

 

Project X: These are monkeys! I don’t know anything about monkeys!

 

Nate Hegyi: But by the 2000’s… Tommy was living with a family in New York State in essentially a jail cell with palm trees painted on the walls. Just Tommy and a color T.V. playing cartoons.

 

Nick Capodice: Oh, that’s horrible.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, that’s just, yeah.

 

 Nick Capodice: After a long and illustrious film career, you know?

 

Nate Hegyi: So in 2013 this animal rights law firm called the Nonhuman Rights Project heard about Tommy’s situation. And one of their main goals is to establish personhood for animals. And if you’re a lawyer trying to push a new legal precedent like this, you have to look for the perfect case to carry it. And Tommy’s case looked pretty dang good.

 

Hannah McCarthy: How so? What differentiates Tommy’s case from any other case?

 

Nate Hegyi: Well, there were three big reasons. First, he’s a chimp. Highly intelligent, an ape, so its in the same taxonomic family as humans. Chimps remind people of people and the thought is that could engender more sympathy with both the courts and with the public. And speaking of the public, the second reason why it was a good case is that Tommy lived in New York State which is a major media market. That means Tommy’s case could get a lot of attention. That’s important if you’re trying to change hearts and minds about how we treat animals, right? And the third reason was that Tommy was in captivity. Which means the lawyers could petition the state for something called a writ of habeas corpus. Alright, Civics 101 friends. What is that?

 

Nick Capodice: Hannah, you want to take this one?

 

Hannah McCarthy: I think I can.

 

Nick Capodice: First. Nate, I wonder if you can do this. Can you, like, get some sort of, like, a medieval soundtrack going on in the background? Like some swords clanging and people being like, Ho there!

 

Nate Hegyi: Can I just do it with my own voice? Cling! Cling! Cling!

 

Nick Capodice: Hannah What time are we talking about when it comes to the first writ of habeas corpus?

 

Hannah McCarthy: Do you really want me to do this?

 

Nick Capodice: I do.

 

Hannah McCarthy: The high middle ages!

 

Nick Capodice: I'm sorry, Nate. This is a long running joke. Basically, just between the two of us. Hannah did an episode on Magna Carta for our founding documents series, and she opened with the line, the high Middle Ages. And we haven't stopped laughing about it for three years.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Okay, so, the idea of habeas corpus is in Magna Carta. That’s from the high Middle Ages, and it became a part of English common law after that point. The expression later found its way into Article one, Section nine of the U.S. Constitution. I'm going to give you the quote here. “The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it.”

 

So what does that mean?

 

What habeas corpus does is protect people from unlawful or indefinite imprisonment without a hearing.

 

Nate Hegyi: Habeas Corpus is also a great way to establish personhood. Because only quote unquote legal persons are eligible. If Tommy is granted habeas corpus - he could become a legal person. Which means he’d have the human right of bodily liberty. He could go free.

 

It also means he could be eligible for other rights, and not just be considered an object or property. Tommy’s case is the first of its kind in the United States. The lawyers? They’re feeling good about their chances.

 

Kevin Schneider: We felt pretty strongly that just the wealth of science about the cognition and behavior of chimpanzees would really open doors.

 

Nate Hegyi: So that’s attorney Kevin Schnieder. He’s the executive director of the Nonhuman Rights Project. And side note - When we were talking HIS three-legged rescue dog kept walking through his dining room making a bunch of noise.

 

Kevin Schneider: I might just have to stop for a second because my dog is loudly drinking water behind me.

 

Nate Hegyi: But anyways, in building the court case for Tommy the chimp,  the nonhuman rights project pointed back to cases from two or three hundred years ago.

 

Kevin Schneider: Where women, children, certainly African-Americans, slaves, Indigenous peoples were treated in horrendous ways. And when they tried to make claims to courts, they were routinely told, you don't have rights, you are not a person. You are something less than a full person in the eyes of the law.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Ok, wait, wait, wait. Comparing the plight of enslaved black Americans, for example, to that of apes has a really racist legacy in the West.

 

Nick Capodice: Yeah, basically 19th and 20th century eugenicists fabricated grotesque racist hierarchies with black people being labeled closer to apes than white people. And in the 1900s, there were like literally humans in zoos. The Bronx Zoo, which is part of our story today. The Bronx Zoo had a Congolese teenager on display in the monkey exhibit in 1906.

 

Nate Hegyi: That is absolutely terrible. And this is where the Nonhuman Rights Project got a lot of flack by both judges and the media. I mean, take a listen to this back and forth between a black reporter and the group's white founder, Steven Wise. It's from this 2016 HBO documentary called Unlocking the Cage.

 

Reporter: And of course, those equating chimpanzees and apes and stuff like that, obviously hideously. So with black people and say, well, wait a minute, you know, you know, chimps are chimps. They are not humans. Steven Wise: Obviously, we're not saying we're not saying that a chimpanzee is a human and we're not equating chimpanzees with slaves.

 

Nate Hegyi: Still, the Nonhuman Rights Project couldn’t shake those connotations. Steven Wise got called out by a judge during one of Tommy’s hearings.

 

Unlocking the Cage: I keep having a difficult time with you using slavery as an anology to this situation. I just have to tell you that. Steven Wise: Let me suggest this, that by referring to human slavery we are no way comparing Tommy to any. Judge: I understand but my suggestion is that you move in a different direction for your remaining two minutes.

 

Nate Hegyi: And the courts, they ended up rejecting Wise’s petition for a few different reasons. One of them was this – a chimp isn’t a person because they can’t bear legal duties. They don’t have societal responsibilities and they can’t be held legally accountable for their actions. Although an Appeals Court judge later issued a separate opinion that really challenged that idea.

 

Kevin Schneider: he pointed out quite correctly that many  do not have the ability to take on legal duties. If someone is a child, if an older person has dementia or Alzheimer's or someone's in a coma, they don't have the ability to take on legal duties. But we certainly don't take away their rights.

 

Hannah McCarthy: That, to me, seems like a far better argument to make before a judge, Right? As opposed to bringing up enslaved people.

 

Nate Hegyi: Absolutely. Regardless, Tommy’s case had hit a dead end. But that same year, the nonhuman rights project began pursuing a different case, one that would allow them to move away from the racial implications of comparing apes and humans.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Is this Happy?

 

Nate Hegyi: Yes, Happy the elephant.

 

News Montage: An animal rights group is suing the zoo, claiming the 40-year-old elephant…

 

Nate Hegyi: So as we heard… Happy is a middle-aged elephant living by herself in the Bronx Zoo. which is tough because elephants are these really social, complex creatures. And Happy in particular is one smart cookie. She was the first elephant in the world to pass this thing called the mirror recognition test.

 

Nick Capodice: What is the mirror recognition test?

 

Nate Hegyi: So I’ll let Kevin explain:

 

Kevin Schneider: they marked her head with an X and then put her in front of a mirror. And if the subject stands in the mirror and, you know, touches the mark on the head while they're looking at themselves in the mirror, but they're touching, obviously, themselves, that actually means quite a lot. It means that they're able to appreciate that this image that they're looking at is actually themselves. And that takes quite a bit of mental machinery, a surprising amount.

Hannah McCarthy: So she recognized herself in the mirror.

 

Nate Hegyi: Right! Which… humans, we don’t have that level of self-awareness until we are about two years old. So they have this really smart, socially complex elephant. And the nonhuman rights project files a writ of habeas corpus saying Happy is imprisoned in the Bronx Zoo. They want her declared as a person and released to a special wildlife sanctuary in Tennessee. This case has been slowly leveling up through the New York State courts over the past four years. Which brings us to May 18th.

 

Court of Appeals: Here ye, here ye, here ye…

 

Nate Hegyi: It’s a warm spring day in Albany and oral arguments are just beginning at the New York State court of appeals.

 

Court of Appeals: Judges of the court…

 

Nate Hegyi: And by the way, I’ve never watched a court of appeals hearing before and dang, those judges go hard! Happy’s lawyer, her name is Monica Miller. And she’s just getting into her argument when one of the judges straight up interrupts her.

 

Judge Rivera: Counsel, counsel… I’m on the screen. Good afternoon.

 

Nate Hegyi: So all of these judges are just lobbing questions. But they seem stuck on two points. The first one is that… bottomline… Happy isn’t a human being. When Happy’s lawyer starts pointing back into history at cases where marginalized humans weren’t considered legal persons, she’s stopped dead in her tracks.

 

Judge Rivera: But even in those examples, they’re all human beings. The court is recognizing the humanity in each of those cases. How can the court apply habeas when we’re not talking about a human? How do we make that move from one point of the spectrum to this other point that you’re arguing for. 

 

Nate Hegyi: Happy’s lawyer pushes back and says species membership isn’t the right marker for deciding whether something is deserving of a basic human right. Instead, it’s intelligence and autonomy.

 

Monica Miller: And we’re not talking about making basic choices like make a noise or don’t make a noise, or choose this food or that food. We’re talking extensive communication.

 

Nate Hegyi: The other sticking point for the judges appeared to be… what kind of pandora’s box does this open if Happy wins and gets declared a person with this basic human right?

 

Nick Capodice: Right. And this is what I've heard about regarding this case, the slippery slope argument like, well, what's next? You know, are we are none of us ever going to eat meat again?

 

Nate Hegyi: Right. Or like, what about dogs?

 

Judge: So does that mean that I couldn’t keep a dog? I mean, dogs can memorize words.

 

Hannah McCarthy: And what about, like, pigs at a factory farm, right? Pigs are highly intelligent and emotionally complex animals. So do they get a right to freedom if Happy wins?

 

Nate Hegyi: Well, That’s what industry groups representing zoos, farms and veterinarian associations all worry about. Lawyers for all of these groups have written amicus briefs urging the court of appeals to reject Happy’s case. The farm lawyers, they’re worried about economic and social upheaval. The vet lawyers are worried that if animals gain personhood, then it could destroy the idea of ownership and that people might not be able to make medical decisions for their cats and dogs.

 

Nick Capodice: But Nate, if Happy wins this case, that doesn't mean that all the animals are going to be immediately freed from zoos and farms. That's just not how common law works. Right?

 

Nate Hegyi: Like, if Happy actually wins – which by the way even her lawyers think it’s a total  longshot – but if she does win, technically only Happy will receive personhood and this basic right to liberty. So here’s Kevin Schnieder again.

 

Kevin Schneider: So it won't immediately free any other animals, not even other elephants. You know, there are other zoo elephants in New York. That being said, I think it would make, certainly make it a lot easier to make an argument on behalf of other elephants.

 

Nate Hegyi: So they’re not buying the whole slippery slope argument, but at the same time - the whole point of a case like this is to create some sort of pathway… because right now, all nonhuman animals are objects in the eyes of the law. And that’s that.

 

Kevin Schneider: I also think for great apes in the state, it would also open doors for them in large part because, you know, these are the species we have been talking about from day one. Elephants, great apes, dolphins, whales. They have a sense of themselves, their past, their present, their future. They can make decisions for their own lives, meaningful decisions, and reflect on those decisions.

 

Hannah McCarthy: So, Nate, when did oral arguments happen in this case?

 

Nate Hegyi: May 18, 2022. So this year.

 

Hannah McCarthy: So when will the judges make their decision?

 

Nate Hegyi: I mean, it could be a month or more. But when it does come, we’ll be sure to give an update to all you listeners out there.

 

Nick Capodice: Well, I gotta say, thank you very much Nate, this was a ton of fun!

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah, can we do it again sometime?

 

Nate Hegyi: Oh my god, I would love to.

 

Nick Capodice: The real question is what should we cover next, you know, on our crossover. What about something like… The Migratory Bird Treaty Act?

 

Hannah McCarthy: What about something like the creation of the EPA?

 

Nate Hegyi: I’d love to dig into the history of the National Weather Service.

 

Hannah McCarthy: Yeah!

 

Nick Capodice: Whoo! Well, let’s enshrine our democracy and put it to a vote. Why don’t we put it to listeners - folks, if you’ve got a suggestion for the next Civic 101 Outside/In crossover episode, you can email us, tweet at us, send us a letter by pigeon, whatever makes sense for you.

 

Nate Hegyi: Whats your handle? How can people find you?

 

Nick Capodice: We’re @civics101pod

 

Nate Hegyi: And we’re at @outsideinradio

Credits:

Nate Hegyi: This episode was produced and reported by me, Nate Hegyi, with Hannah McCarthy and Nick Capodice.

Nick Capodice: It was edited by Taylor Quimby, Rebecca Lavoie, with help from me, Nate, and Hannah.

Hannah McCarthy: It was mixed by Nate Hegyi. City pronunciation fact-checking by Nick Capodice.

Nick Capodice: It is ALL-bany, Nate

Nate Hegyi: Albany, Albany, Albany.

Hannah McCarthy: Our executive producer is Rebecca Lavoie

Nate Hegyi: Music from this episode came from El Flaco Collective, The Fly Guy Five, Jules Gaia, and peerless.

Our theme is by Breakmaster Cylinder. Outside/In…

Hannah McCarthy: AND Civics 101…

Nate Hegyi: Are both productions of New Hampshire Public Radio!

Nick McCarthy: (elephant noise)

Hannah McCarthy: That was so unpleasant.

Nick McCarthy: You didn’t like my elephant sound? Sorry, Nate.


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